“Political funding in Ireland”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

Details about the sources of political funds are rather scarce. Based on the information published for 1998 Murphy and Farrell contend that Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin were the parties which received the highest amounts of private funding. Fianna Fáil reported £432,501 and Sinn Féin total donations of £230,000. Whereas the bulk of the former funds were contributed by the business sector (e.g. hoteliers, builders etc.), most of the latter came from U.S. donors(friends of Sinn Féin). The Labour Party still relies on contributions by the trade unions.^[2]

Public support

Ireland provides free broadcasting time for all parties which nominated a minimum number of candidates. The allocation formula seeks to give fair opportunities to all parties, taking into account the number of candidates presented and the share of votes polled in the previous election.^[3] Because 'Irish politicians cannot buy time on the broadcast media',^[4] independent candidates are granted by law 'some coverage in the news'. In addition, there is a subsidy for current party operations.^[5] In a per capita comparison of six countries it has turned out that Ireland is the most generous provider of public support to its parties.^[6]

Spending

A recent study of general political spending levels has found (on a per capita basis) that Ireland was almost in line with Canada, slightly ahead of the United States and much more so of Australia and the United Kingdom. Quite in line with developments in other established democracies, Irish party headquarters have stepped up their routine activities and shifted their budgets accordingly,^[7] Salaries, wages and benefits comprise about one-third of party headquarters' annual spending.^[8]

Regulation

There is a ban on foreign donations.^[9] The legal maximum for anonymous donations is set at €127,^[10] rather low when compared to other countries. The annual maximum for all donors is €6,350 per party and €2,540 per parliamentary candidate.^[11]

A late start among political finance reformers has enabled Ireland to link public subsidies for party activity with financial incentives to generally encourage gender equality within the parties. This will be achieved by a legal prescription that parties will face a 50 per cent cut of their public subsidy unless at least 30 per cent of all candidates are women and at least 30 per cent are men.^[12] Moreover, Irish parties must apply some part of their subsidy to a variety of specified purposes, among them promoting youth and female political participation.^[13] Since no further clarification is provided, this may simply refer to the operation of separate women's and youth groups, which is a traditional feature of many parties. The financial reports filed by the three major parties for 2011 show that Fianna Fáil spent €7,50 for the purpose, but Fine Gael no more than €152. The Labour Party seems to differ considerably, because it spent €61,107 to promote female participation (although almost three-quarters of this total was spent on 'salaries and pensions').^[14]

Enforcement

The Standards in Public Office Commission has jurisdiction over party and candidate financing. International IDEA conveys the impression that hitherto it has displayed respectful neglect of all "big fish" donations, which tend to go unreported.^[15] Without presenting evidence for its deviating view, the GRECO report on Ireland assigns a much more positive evaluation to 'the proactive advisory role played by the Standards Commission to promote transparency of party funding'.^[16]

See also

References

1. ^pp. 260, 261.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
2. ^Murphy, Ronan J. and Farrell, David M.: 'Party Politics in Ireland: Regularizing a Volatile System', in: Paul Webb, David Farrell and Ian Holliday (eds.): Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 230-31.
3. ^Questions 20, 24.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
4. ^McMenamin, Iain: Business Financing of Politics in Ireland - Theory, Evidence and Reform, Working Papers in International Studies No. 12/2011, p. 9.
5. ^Question 19.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
6. ^p. 271.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
7. ^Nassmacher, Karl-Heinz: The Funding of Party Competition. Political Finance in 25 Democracies, Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009, pp.77-78, 80-82.
8. ^p. 275.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
9. ^Questions 1, 2.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
10. ^Questions 9, 10.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
11. ^Question 14, 18.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
12. ^Subsection (4B)(a) of section 17 of the Electoral Act of 1997 as inserted by no. 42 of the Electoral (Amendment)(Political Funding) Act 2012.
13. ^GRECO Evaluation Report on Ireland, Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II), 2009, p. 8.
14. ^See http://www.sipo.gov.ie/en/Reports/Annual/Disclosure; the whole paragraph is taken from: http://www.idea.int/publications/funding-of-political-parties-and-election-campaigns/upload/foppec-p8.pdf, pp. 272-3, 296..
15. ^pp. 277, 280.{{dead link|date=November 2016}}
16. ^GRECO report 2009, p. 25.