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释义 |
Tagalog grammar is the body of rules that describe the structure of expressions in the Tagalog language, the language of the Tagalog region of the Philippines. In Tagalog, there are eight basic parts of speech: verbs, nouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, pronouns, conjunctions and particles. Tagalog is a slightly inflected language. Pronouns are inflected for number; and verbs, for focus, aspect and voice. VerbsTagalog verbs are morphologically complex and are conjugated by taking on a variety of affixes reflecting focus/trigger, aspect, voice, and others. Below is a chart of the main verbal affixes, which consist of a variety of prefixes, suffixes, infixes, and circumfixes. Conventions used in the chart:
With object-focus verbs in the completed and progressive aspects, the infix -in- frequently becomes the infix -ni- or the prefix ni- if the root word begins with {{IPA|/l/}}, {{IPA|/r/}}, {{IPA|/w/}}, or {{IPA|/y/}}; e.g., linalapitan or nilalapitan and inilagay or ilinagay. With the suffixes -in and -an, if the root word ends in a vowel, the suffixes insert an h at the beginning to become -hin and -han to make speaking more natural. This does not usually happen with root words ending in pseudo-vowels such as w and y. An example of this is basa which becomes basahin rather than basain. The imperative affixes are not often used in Manila, but they do exist in other Tagalog speaking provinces.
AspectThe aspect of the verb indicates the progressiveness of the verb. It specifies whether the action happened, is happening or will happen. Tagalog verbs are conjugated for time using aspect rather than tense.[1][2] The complete aspect of a verb indicates the action has been completed. The progressive aspect of a verb indicates the action has been started but not been completed or that the action is habitual or a universal fact. The contemplative aspect of a verb indicates that the action has not happened but is anticipated. Some verbs take a fourth aspect known as the recently complete aspect which indicates that the action has just been completed before the time of speaking or before a specified time.[3]
TriggerThe central feature of verbs in Tagalog and other Philippine languages is the trigger system, often called voice or focus.[4] In this system, the thematic role (agent, patient, or oblique) of the noun marked by the direct-case particle is encoded in the verb. In its default unmarked form, the verb triggers a reading of the direct noun as the patient of the clause. In its second most common form it triggers the noun as the agent of the clause. Other triggers are location, beneficiary, instrument, reason, direction, and the reciprocal. There are three main patient-trigger affixes:
Affixes can also be used in nouns or adjectives: baligtaran (from baligtád, to reverse) (reversible), katamaran (from tamád, lazy) (laziness), kasabihán (from sabi, to say) (proverb), kasagutan (from sagót, answer), bayarín (from bayad, to pay) (payment), bukirín (from bukid, farm), lupaín (from lupa, land), pagkakaroón (from doón/roón, there) (having/appearance), and pagdárasál (from dasál, prayer). Verbs with affixes (mostly suffixes) are also used as nouns, which are differentiated by stress position. Examples are panoorin (to watch or view) and panoorín (materials to be watched or viewed), hangarín (to wish) and hangarin (goal/objective), aralin (to study) and aralín (studies), and bayaran (to pay) and bayarán (someone or something for hire). The agent-trigger affixes are -um-, mag-, man-, and ma-. The difference between mag- and -um- is a source of confusion among learners of the language. Generally speaking there are two main distinctions among many; mag- refers to externally directed actions and -um- for internally directed actions. For example, bumilí means to buy while magbilí means to sell. However this isn't writ law for these affixes; there are exceptions for example, mag-ahit means to shave oneself while umahit means to shave someone. magbili and umahit are rarely used; in southern dialects of Tagalog na- is used instead of -um-. ma- is used with only a few roots which are semantically intransitive, for example, matulog (to sleep). ma- is not to be confused with ma-, the potentiative prefix for patient-triggered verb forms.
The man bought bananas at the store for the monkey. Compared with:
The man bought the banana at the store for the monkey. The locative trigger refers to the location or direction of an action or the area affected by the action.
The man bought bananas at the store. The benefactive trigger refers to the person or thing that benefits from the action; i.e., the beneficiary of an action.
The man bought bananas for the monkey. Compared with:
The man bought bananas for the store. The instrumental trigger refers to the means by which an action is performed.
The man bought bananas with his wife's money. The reason trigger refers to the cause or reason why an action is performed. Ikinagulat ng lalaki ang pagdatíng ng unggóy. "The man got surprised because of the monkey's arrival." The directional trigger refers to the direction the action will go to.
The man went to the store. The reciprocal trigger refers to the action being done by the subjects at the same time. The subject is usually compound, plural or collective.
MoodTagalog verbs also have affixes expressing grammatical mood; Some examples are indicative, causative, potential, social, and distributed. IndicativeNagdalá siyá ng liham. "He brought a letter." Bumilí kamí ng bigás sa palengke. "We bought rice at the market." Kumain akó. "I ate." Hindî siyá nagsásalitâ ng Tagalog. "He/She does not speak Tagalog." Causative pa-Nagpadalá siya ng liham sa kaniyáng iná. "He sent (literally: caused to be brought) a letter to his mother." DistributiveNamili kamí sa palengke. "We went shopping at the market." SocialNakikain akó sa mga kaibigan ko. "I ate with my friends." Potential naka-Hindî siyá nakapagsásalitâ ng Tagalog. "He is not able to speak Tagalog." FocusTagalog verbs also inflect based on focus. A verb can be in either the actor focus or the object focus. Such inflections are typically irregular and must be memorized with each verb learned. However, in general, -um- verbs are in the actor focus while -in- verbs are in object focus. In the actor focus, the agent is introduced by ang, or si for names, and the object is introduced by ng, equivalent to English the and a/an respectively. The object cannot be a specific given name or surname of a person or animal. This focus is also used for intransitive verbs. Gumalaw si Joe."Joe moved." Nagbasa ako ng libro."I read (past tense) a book." In the object focus, meanwhile, the agent is introduced by ng, or ni for names, and the object is introduced by ang, or si for names. If a sentence has an object focus verb but no indicated object, then this means that the object is inferred and is already known. Ginalaw ni Joe."Joe moved [it]." Binasa ko ang libro. "I read the book." There are also different forms of pronouns for each focus. NounsWhile Tagalog nouns are not inflected, they are usually preceded by case-marking particles. These follow an Austronesian alignment, also known as a trigger system, which is a distinct feature of Philippine languages. There are three basic cases: direct (or absolutive, often inaccurately labeled the nominative); indirect (which may function as an ergative, accusative, or genitive); and oblique. The direct case is used for intransitive clauses. In transitive clauses using the default grammatical voice of Tagalog, the direct marks the patient (direct object) and the indirect marks the agent, corresponding to the subject in English. In the more marked voice the reverse occurs, with the direct marking the agent and the indirect marking the patient. Because the base form of the clause is superficially similar to the passive voice in English, this has led to a misconception that Tagalog is spoken primarily in the passive voice. It is also superficially similar to ergative languages such as those of Australia, so Tagalog has also been analyzed as an ergative language. However, the English passive clause is intransitive, and likewise in ergative languages one of the voices forms an intransitive clause, whereas in Tagalog both voices are transitive, and so align well with neither nominative–accusative languages such as English nor with ergative languages. One of the functions of voice in Tagalog is to code definiteness, analogous to the use of definite and indefinite articles in English. When the patient is marked with the direct case particle, it is generally definite, whereas when it is marked with the indirect case it is generally indefinite. The oblique particle and the locative derived from it are similar to prepositions in English, marking things such as location and direction. The case particles fall into two classes: one used with names of people (proper) and one for everything else (common). The common ergative marker is spelled ng and pronounced {{IPA|[naŋ]}}. Mgá, pronounced {{IPA|[maˈŋa]}}, marks the common plural. Cases
Common noun affixes
Examples
"The man arrived."
"Juan saw María."
"Elena and Roberto will go to Miguel's house."
"Where are the books?"
"Father has the key."
"That baby is healthy." PronounsLike nouns, personal pronouns are categorized by case. As above, the indirect forms also function as the genitive.
Examples: "I wrote." Sinulatan ako ng liham."He/She wrote me a letter." "I will give it to him/her." Genitive pronouns follow the word they modify. Oblique pronouns can take the place of the genitive pronoun but they precede the word they modify. Ang bahay ko.Ang aking bahay. "My house." The inclusive dual pronoun kata/kitá has largely disappeared from the Manila Dialect. It survives in other Tagalog dialects, particularly those spoken in the rural areas. However kitá is used to replace the pronoun sequence [verb] ko ikaw, (I [verb] you). The 1st-2nd dual pronoun "kata/kitá" referring to "you and I" is traditionally used as follows: Mágkaibigan kitá. (Manila Dialect: Mágkaibigan tayo.)"You and I are friends." (Manila Dialect: “We are friends.") As previously mentioned, the pronoun sequence [verb] ko ikáw, (I [verb] you) may be replaced by kitá. Mahál kitá."I love you." Bíbigyan kitá ng pera."I will give you money." Nakita kitá sa tindahan kahapon."I saw you at the store yesterday." Kaibigan kitá."You are my friend." The inclusive pronoun tayo refers to the first and second persons. It may also refer to a third person(s). The exclusive pronoun kamí refers to the first and third persons but excludes the second. Walâ tayong bigás."We (you and me) have no rice." Walâ kaming bigás."We (someone else and me, but not you) have no rice." The second person singular has two forms. Ikáw is the non-enclitic form while ka is the enclitic which never begins a sentence. The plural form kayó is also used politely in the singular, similar to French vous. Nouns are gender neutral, hence siyá means both he or she. Polite or formal usageTagalog, like many languages, marks the T–V distinction: when addressing a single person in polite/formal/respectful settings, pronouns from either the 2nd person plural or the 3rd person plural group are used instead of the singular 2nd person pronoun. They can be used with, or in lieu of, the pô/hô iterations without losing any degree of politeness, formality or respect:
English: "What's your name?" Casual: Anó'ng pangalan mo? Respectful: Anó'ng pangalan ninyo? or Anó'ng pangalan nilá? Using such pluralized pronouns is quite sufficient for expressing politeness, formality or respect, particularly when an affirmative (or negative) pô/hô iteration isn't necessary. Demonstrative pronounsTagalog's demonstrative pronouns are as follows.
Examples: {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}Anó itó? "What's this?" Sino ang lalaking iyon? "Who is that man?" Galing kay Pedro ang liham na itó. "This letter is from Pedro." {{Col-break}}Nandito akó. "I am here." Kakain silá roón. "They will eat there." Saán ka man naróroon. "Wherever you are." {{Col-break}}Kumain niyán ang batà. "The child ate some of that." Ayón palá ang salamín mo! "So that's where your glasses are!" Heto isang regalo para sa iyó. "Here's a gift for you." {{col-end}}ModifiersModifiers alter, qualify, clarify or limit other elements in a sentence structure. They are optional grammatical elements but they change the meaning of the element they are modifying in particular ways. Examples of modifiers are adjectives (modifies nouns), adjectival clauses, adverbs (modifies verbs) and adverbial clauses. Nouns can also modify other nouns. In Tagalog, word categories are fluid: a word can sometimes be an adverb or an adjective depending on the word it modifies. If the word being modified is a noun, then the modifier is an adjective, if the word being modified is a verb, then it is an adverb. For example, the word Discussion of Syntactic Trees: For the creation of the syntactic trees, X-bar theory is applied and the addition of ModP as Scontras & Nicolae suggested.[8] ModP stands for Modifier Phrase and it presents the unique distribution of linkers in Tagalog. It is an adjunct to an XP and requires a complement XP. It is an adjunct because modifiers are optional but adds meaning to a phrase. It needs a complement because by itself, it is no longer a modifier. It needs either the word being modified or the modifier as a complement. Tagalog LinkerAdjectival modifiersIn Tagalog, when a noun composes with an adjective, adverb or another noun in attributive position, a linker is obligatory.[9] In (1a), the linker
In (2a), the linker -ng connected the adjective ‘maganda’ (beautiful) and the noun ‘bahay’ (house) to create the grammatical phrase ‘magandang bahay’ ('beautiful house'). In the previous example, the noun came before the adjective. In this example, the adjective came before the noun. Despite the order being different, the meaning is the same. The linker -ng is still needed to show that there is modification, that
However, if the adjective appears in predicative position, linker is prohibited. It is when the property of being 'beautiful' is ascribed to the 'house' using a verb. In other words, when an adjective is a predicate. If you add a linker, it results into an ungrammatical sentence as shown in (3b). When the verb is assigning the adjective to the noun, a linker should not be placed. The symbol (!) represents the error when a linker is incorrectly placed. The tree shows the grammatical phrase in (3a). AP
→ In the examples, adjectives were used to show the distribution of linker. The distribution of the linker is similar in adverbs and modifier nouns. We can easily replace the adjective in the examples with an adverb and the noun with a verb to turn it into a context of adverbial modification. The examples can be replaced with the adverbial phrases Clausal ModifierLinker is also obligatory when a clause is modifying a word. In (1a), the linker -ng is needed for the clause
The relative order of the word being modified and the clause is flexible like the other modifiers. Example (2a) shows the clause
For adjectival, adverbial, nominal modifiers, linkers are prohibited in predicate position. For clausal modifiers, linkers are prohibited in matrix clauses. In a matrix clause, adding a linker results in an ungrammatical sentence as shown in (3b). The property of 'being seen' is ascribed to the noun 'house' using a verb. The sentence in (3a) is grammatical because the linker is not included in the sentence. The following tree shows the grammatical sentence without ModP. The example (3b) would be grammatical if -ng was not placed there. The symbol ( ! ) represents the error when a linker is incorrectly placed. {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}
The following table [10] summarizes the distribution of linker that has been discussed in this section.
AdjectivesAccording to Sabbagh,[11] Tagalog has two major types of adjectives. The passive adjectives and the ma- adjectives. Adjectival passives generally form a larger paradigm with transitive verbs. For example, the adjective Examples of passive adjectives:[12] ' Examples of ma- adjectives:[13] ' Other affixes denote different meanings. For example, pinaká- is the superlative word 'the most'. To say a person is the strongest is to say ' Sequence of modifiers in a noun phraseThe following tables show a possible word order of a noun phrase containing a modifier.[14] Since word order is flexible in Tagalog, there are other possible ways in which one could say these phrases.To read more on Tagalog word order, head to the Word Order section.
Enclitic particlesTagalog has enclitic particles that have important information conveying different nuances in meaning. Below is a list of Tagalog's enclitic particles.
The order listed above is the order in which the particles follow if they are used in conjunction with each other. A more concise list of the orders of monosyllabic particles from Rubino (2002) is given below.[15]
The particles na and pa cannot be used in conjunction with each other as well as pô and hô.
"Oh yes, your grandmother has apparently arrived."
"Do change it as well." Note for "daw/raw and rin/din": If preceding letter is a consonant except y and w, the letter d is used in any word, vice versa for r e.g., pagdárasal, instead of pagdádasal Although in everyday speech, this rule is often ignored.
"Perhaps his brother still hasn’t a wife."
"I wonder, is the only thing that they'll be giving us?"
"Have you already studied the Spanish language?"
"He's still young, is why."
"Please, do write your name here first." The words daw and raw, which mean “he said”/“she said”/“they said”, are sometimes joined to the real translations of “he said”/”she said”, which is sabi niyá, and “they said”, which is sabi nilá. They are also joined to the Tagalog of “you said”, which is sabi mo. But this time, both daw and raw mean “supposedly/reportedly”.
"He/she supposedly said."
"They supposedly said."
"You supposedly said." Although the word kasí is native Tagalog for “because” and not slang, it is still not used in formal writing. The Tagalog word for this is sapagká’t or sapagkát. Thus, the formal form of Batà pa kasí is Sapagká’t batà pa or Sapagkát batà pa. This is sometimes shortened to pagká’t or pagkát, so Sapagká’t batà pa is also written as Pagká’t batà pa or Pagkát batà pa. In both formal and everyday writing and speech, dahil sa (the oblique form of kasí; thus, its exact translation is “because of”) is also synonymous to sapagká’t (sapagkát), so the substitute of Sapagká’t batà pa for Batà pa kasí is Dahil sa batà pa. Most of the time in speech and writing (mostly everyday and sometimes formal), dahil sa as the Tagalog of “because” is reduced to dahil, so Dahil sa batà pa is spoken simply as Dahil batà pa. Word orderTagalog has a flexible word order compared to English. While the verb always remains in initial position, the order of noun phrase complements that follow is flexible. An example provided by Schacter and Otanes can be seen in (1).
The flexibility of Tagalog word order can be seen in (2). There are six different ways of saying 'The man gave the woman a book.' in Tagalog. The following five sentences, along with the sentence from (1), include the same grammatical components and are all grammatical and identical in meaning but have different orders.
The principles in (3) help to determine the ordering of possible noun phrase complements.[16] In a basic clause where the patient takes the nominative case, principles (i) and (ii) requires the actor the precede the patient. In example (4a), the patient,
In example (5), the verb,
A change in word order and trigger generally corresponds to a change in definiteness ("the" vs "a") in English. Example (6) shows a change in word order, triggered by the indirect, "ng." Example (7) shows a change in word order, triggered by the direct, "ang." {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}
Word order may be inverted (referred to in Tagalog grammar as Kabalikang Anyo) by way of the inversion marker ' In this construction (ay-inverson), the
In (8), and (11), the fronted constituent is the subject. On the other hand, in (9), the fronted constituent is the object. Another example of a fronted constituent in Tagalog is, wh-phrases. Wh-phrases include interrogative questions that begin with: who, what, where, when, why and how. In Tagalog, wh-phrases occur to the left of the clause. For example, in the sentence, 'Who are you?' This operation of lowering can also be applied in sentences to account for the verb-initial word order in Tagalog. The subject-lowering analysis states that, "the subject lowers from Spec, TP and adjoins to a projection dominated by TP.".[17] If we use the example from (2), Nagbigay ang lalaki ng libro sa babae. and applied subject lowering, we would see the syntax tree in (13a).If we lowered the subject, ang lalaki, to an intermediate position within VP, we would be able to achieve a VOS word order and still satisfy subject lowering.[17] This can be seen in (13b). {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}{{Col-break}}{{Col-end}}Lowering is motivated by a prosodic constraint called, WeakStart.[18] This constraint is largely based on the phonological hierarchy. This constraint requires phonological the first element within a phonological domain to be lower on the prosodic hierarchy than elements that follow it, within the same domain.[19] NegationThere are three negation words: hindî, walâ, and huwág. Hindî negates verbs and equations. It is sometimes contracted to ‘dî.
"I will not work tomorrow."
"The woman is not rich." Walâ is the opposite of may and mayroón ("there is").
"I do not have money."
"There are no books in his house." Huwág is used in expressing negative commands. It can be used for the infinitive and the future aspect. It is contracted as ‘wag.
"Do not cry."
"Do not run here." There are two (or more) special negative forms for common verbs:
"I would like to eat now." (Positive)
"I don't want to eat yet." (Negative) ConjunctionsTagalog uses numerous conjunctions, and may belong to one of these possible functions:
Interrogative wordsTagalog's interrogative words are: alín, anó, bákit, gaáno, ilán, kailán, kaníno, kumustá, magkáno, nakaníno, nasaán, níno, paáno, saán, and síno. With the exceptions of bakit, kamustá, and nasaán, all of the interrogative words have optional plural forms which are formed by reduplication. They are used when the person who is asking the question anticipates a plural answer and can be called wh-phrases. The syntactic position of these types of phrases can be seen in (12a). {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}
Gaano (from ka- + anó) means how but is used in inquiring about the quality of an adjective or an adverb. The rootword of the modifier is prefixed with ka- in this construction (16a).Ilán means how many (16b). Kumustá is used to inquire how something is (are).(16c) It is frequently used as a greeting meaning How are you? It is derived from the Spanish ¿cómo está?. Magkano (from mag- + gaano) means how much and is usually used in inquiring the price of something (16d). Paano (from pa- + anó) is used in asking how something is done or happened (16e). {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}
Nino (from ni + anó) means who, whose, and whom (18a). It is the indirect and genitive form of sino. Sino (from si + anó) means who and whom and it is in the direct form (18b). Kanino (from kay + anó) means whom or whose (18c). It is the oblique form of sino (who). {{Col-begin}}{{Col-break}}
See also
Notes1. ^http://learningtagalog.com/grammar/verbs/aspects/overview.html 2. ^http://www.seasite.niu.edu/tagalog/grammar%20activities/Grammar%202/Verbal%20Aspect/Verbalaspect-fs.htm 3. ^http://www.seasite.niu.edu/tagalog/tagalog_verbs.htm 4. ^Tagalog voice does not correspond well to the terms active and passive, nor to active and antipassive in ergative languages. The term focus, as used in ergative languages, is also an inadequate way of describing the Tagalog voice, therefore the distinct term trigger has become common to describe languages with Philippine-type alignment systems. 5. ^1 2 Kata, nita and kanita are not widely used. Kitá was the alternative pronoun for first person dual. 6. ^This is a contraction of "ko ikaw". Neither "ko ka" or "ka ko" are grammatically acceptable. 7. ^Scontras & Nicolae (2014), 21 8. ^Scontras & Nicolae (2014), 25 9. ^Scontras & Nicolae (2014), 21 10. ^Scontras & Nicolae (2014), 23 11. ^Sabbagh (2011), 1427 12. ^Sabbagh(2011), 1427 13. ^Sabbagh(2011), 1429 14. ^Ramos (1971), 126 15. ^Rubino, Carl Ralph. 2002. Tagalog-English, English-Tagalog dictionary / Taláhuluganang Pilipino-Ingglés, Ingglés-Pilipino Taláhuluganang. Conshohocken, PA: Hippocrene Books. 16. ^Kroeger (1991), 136 (2) 17. ^1 Sabbagh (2014), 70 (55) 18. ^Sabbagh (2014), 62 (45) 19. ^Sabbagh (2014), 59 Bibliography
External links{{Wiktionary category|category=Tagalog language}}{{InterWiki|code=tl|Tagalog language}}{{Wikibooks|Tagalog}}{{WikisourceWiki|Tagalog}}{{Wikivoyage|Filipino phrasebook}}
2 : Tagalog language|Grammars of specific languages |
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