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词条 Draft:Feminism in Vermont
释义

  1. Feminist Education in Vermont

      Same-sex Marriage Legislation    Civil Unions    Gay Rights in Vermont    Demographics of Vermont  

  2. Feminism and Queerness

      Theoretical transitions    Lived Experiences    Activism and Gay Marriage    Feminism and Queerness in Historical Vermont  

  3. Women's Organizations

      Women's Freedom Center    The Vermont Commission on Women  

  4. History of Legislation in Vermont

      Clarina Howard Nichols and 19th Century Legislation    Edna Beard and Early 20th Century Legislation    Late 20th Century Legislation  

  5. Queer Spaces in Vermont

      Finding Community in a Rural Space    Organizations in Burlington    Lesbian Separatism  

  6. LGBTQ activism in Vermont

     Activism at University of Vermont  Activism at Middlebury College   LGBTQ Organizations in Vermont    Gay and Lesbian Fund of Vermont    Outright Vermont    Pride Center of Vermont    Vermont Diversity Health Project    The Samara Fund at the Vermont Community Foundation    GLAD - Gay & Lesbian Advocate and Defenders    GLAMA: Health professionals advancing LGBT    Human Rights Campaign (HRC)   Critiques of Feminist Studies in Vermont 

  7. References

  8. External links

{{Draft article|source=ArticleWizard|date=April 2017|subject=society}}Feminist Education in Vermont

Feminist Education in Vermont

Same-sex Marriage Legislation

Same-sex marriage in Vermont has been legal since September 1, 2009. Vermont became the 5th state in US to legalize same sex marriage. Other states such as Connecticut and Iowa passed same sex marriage laws without any limitations. Vermont’s governor Jim Douglas vetoed the law after the Vermont state senate first approved it. The senate was only 2 votes away from the two-thirds majority, which would have made the bill unable to be vetoed. On April 7, 2009, the Senate and the House overrode the veto and same-sex marriage became legal on September 1, 2009. Vermont became the first state to legalized same-sex marriage via legislation instead of a court ruling[1].

Civil Unions

VT first state to have civil unions (2000) – the senate had a hard time deciding what to call a bill that would allow same-sex couples to have marriage-like rights. Governor Howard Dean said he would veto any legislation that had word “marriage” in it. Senate decided on civil unions. This radical movement caused much controversy throughout the state, although the bill was passed as An Act Relating to Civil Unions in the Spring of 2000[2].  

Gay Rights in Vermont

in 1990 Vermont became one of the first states to introduce hate crimes legislation for sexual orientation. Gender identity was added to this in 1999. Vermont law also bans discrimination that is based on sexual orientation or gender identity in any time of employment, public accommodations, education, housing, credit, insurance, and union practices[3]. The protections were added in 1992, and in 2006 the Senate sought to turn this into law. It was vetoed by Governor Jim Douglas on May 17, 2006, but passed in 2007. More recently, on March 17, 2016, the Senate unanimously approved a bill which banned the use of conversion therapy for minors in Vermont. The bill took effect on July 1, 2016. In 2013, Vermont health insurers were required to cover transgender care which includes sex reassignment surgery. This followed Vermont permitting both preoperative and post-operative transsexuals to change the sex on their birth certificate.[4][5]

Demographics of Vermont

Vermont’s population was estimated to be 624,594 at July 1, 2016. Vermont is the second least populated state in the United States, and it’s population actually decreased slightly from April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2016. The gender ratio is fairly even with the female population at 50.7%  at July 1, 2015. Vermont is ranked as the second-whitest state. According to statistics from July 1, 2015, the racial makeup of Vermont’s population is primarily White at 94.8%, 1.3% Black/African American, 1.6% Asian, 1.8% Hispanic/Latino and 1.9% two or more races. Only 4.3% of Vermont’s population are foreign born persons, and 5.4% speak a language other than English at home. Although, 51.3% of Vermont’s population were born in another state according to 2014 statistics. 11.5% of Vermonters were considered to be below the poverty line despite having one of the highest high school graduation rates in America.

Feminism and Queerness

Theoretical transitions

The women’s movement of the mid-20th century, often referred to as “second wave feminism,” sparked a generation of academics to write about society’s “Other” (to use the language of feminist theorist Simone de Beauvoir).[6] Scholars like Barbara Welter, Nancy Cott, and Carol Smith-Rosenberg wrote histories of women--histories that reflected and were informed by the ideology of the times.[7][8][9] In 1973, British historian Sheila Rowthbaum noted that her “book comes very directly from a political movement.”[10]

One of the first academic journals devoted to the academic exploration of gendered issues, the founding of Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society reflected the success of the feminist movement in legitimizing the study of women’s history.[11] In their first editorial, Signs’ editors wrote that, “Scholarship about women is not new…what is novel is the amount of intellectual energy men and women are now spending on such scholarship and the consciousness that often frames their efforts.”[12] The newness emerged from the feminist project, a project that legitimized womanhood and in doing so legitimized the academic exploration of their identities.

But as the crest of second wave feminism withdrew, some feminist scholars began expanding their work beyond the binary of de Beauvoir’s binary definition of Man as “the positive and the neuter” and woman as “the negative.”[6]

Judith Butler, in her first chapter of Gender Trouble, addresses the argument of “women” not being the strict subject of feminism. Butler suggests that the “presumed universality and unity of the subject of feminism is effectively undermined by the constraints of the representational discourse in which it functions.”[13] In other words, assigning a subject to feminism is exclusionary and fails to serve its purpose. While many feminists believe that feminism should focus on a feminine identity, others argue that the concentration of a feminine identity fails to be inclusive. Butler agrees by saying that the subject of feminism is, in fact, not definite.

Butler also discusses this by outlining the way in which feminists have made distinctions between sex and gender. Oftentimes, gender is linked to sex in that gender falls as its dependent, and many critiques have attempted to separate the two by saying sex refers to the science behind one’s body while gender refers to the social/cultural construction of one’s body. Butler challenges this notion by stating, “If gender is the cultural meanings that the sexed body assumes, then a gender cannot be said to follow from a sex in any one way.”[13]. By separating gender and sex, one separates gender from the body, which is an issue because sex may be influenced by gender and gender may be impacted by sex. Butler argues that the formation of gender is complex, and she believes that gender is performed and produced via acts. In order to be inclusive to all women, the separation of gender and sex cannot be.

Scholars like Butler shifted “feminist” analyses toward “queer” analyses--scholarship that questioned the very categories that feminist scholarship often shored up. Joan Scott’s 1992 article “The Evidence of Experience” is an example of early queer scholarship.[14] Scott, pulling from poststructural theories and critiques of history, asked her readers to reconsider the ways in history itself is told. “The challenge to normative history has been described, in terms of conventional historical understandings of evidence, as an enlargement to the picture, a correction to oversights resulting from inaccurate or incomplete vision…,” Scott wrote.[14] This “challenge to normative history” was, among other things, the feminist project of women’s history--of writing stories of women that would act as “an enlargement to the picture.” But Scott asked historians to think beyond the limits of “history,” to recognize that “experience” is “always contested, always political, ” to “take as their project not the reproduction and transmission of knowledge said to be arrived at through experience, but the analysis of the production of that knowledge itself.”[14] Scott’s work represents an important theoretical shift, from feminist histories of Other to queer historical analyses of the very formation of the gendered categories that make up our lives (see: Leila Rupp, John D'Emilio).

Lived Experiences

Activism and Gay Marriage

Gloria Steinem sees the intersection of the feminist movement and the LGBTQ rights movement “as a circle, and we’re coming at our goal of being unique humans and also sharing our humanity. We’re coming at that central goal from different places, but I would say it’s like this” - making a circle with her hands - “and not a hierarchy, it’s like this, and we are all linked, we are not ranked.” [15]

The feminist movement and the LGBTQ rights movement are linked in a fight against a common adversary. “[i]f you think about it in the most basic terms, you can understand why because the whole idea of a male-dominant or patriarchal or anthro-whatever-you-want-to-call-it system is all about controlling reproduction. That is the basic thing: how many workers, how many soldiers, who do they belong to." [15]

The goal of the patriarchal society as these movements see it is to control reproduction in women through laws around abortion and contraceptives. “And because it’s all about reproduction, it demonizes any sexual expression that can’t end in reproduction.” [15]

This demonization of sexual expression that can’t end in reproduction is shown in the opposition to gay marriage movements. Yet there are many in the feminist movement and LGBTQ rights movement, such as bell hooks and Jyl Josephson, who believe that gay rights should be about Civil Rights not about marriage.[16] Jyl Josephson wrote an article entitled Citizenship, Same-Sex Marriage, and Feminist Critiques of Marriage: “Feminist critiques of marriage are relevant to the same-sex marriage debate for several reasons. The critique of rigid gender roles and hierarchy in marriage—and of their negative consequences for women—is also a critique of patriarchal heteronormativity, which oppresses not only women, but also members of the LGBT community.”[17]

“When deconstructing the history of oppression by marriage, the fact that women and members of the LGBTQ community have rarely, if ever, lawfully or socially benefitted from this, can not be ignored. Especially when, historically in the United States of America, “lawful” marriage was designed to benefit cis, heterosexual, Christian, white males who married cis, heterosexual, Christian, white females.”[16]

Feminism and Queerness in Historical Vermont

Vermont was home to several lesbian separatist communes in that latter half of the twentieth century.[18] Feminist separatism is an ideology that emerged out of second wave feminism in the 1970s that held that opposition to patriarchy is best achieved by rejecting involvement in all patriarchal institutions, including relationships with men. While not all feminist separatists advocated for lesbianism, instead practicing celibacy, many embraced it as politically significant act and incorporated it in separatist ideology, creating lesbian separatism.[18] Many separatists created and lived in communes that reflected their ideological desires. Vermont was home to several of these communes, notably including the Redbird Collective. The Redbird Collective was in Hinesburg Vermont, and lasted approximately between the years of 1975 and 1979.[19] Euan Bear, an ex-member of the collective, describes Redbird as promoting connection with the land, empathetic social relations, and the value of women’s strength.[19] After the collective broke up in 1979, many of the women remained in the Burlington area and were influential in promoting feminist causes in the community.[19]

Women's Organizations

Women's Freedom Center

A women’s community center was started in Brattleboro Vermont in the 1960’s as a grassroots response to recent rapes in the area, and an effort was made to establish a rape crisis center in town, which was then established in the 1970’s[5].  The Women’s Crisis Center began in 1974 with federal funding, and the group served as a safe space for women and children suffering from abuse[5]. The center shut down in 1981 due to lack of funding, but after negotiating with the Town of Brattleboro through writing grant proposals and asking for donations, the center reopened in May of 1982.  The Crisis Center changed its name to the Women’s Freedom Center in 2011, as an attempt to express more accurately the main focus of the center[5].  

The Vermont Commission on Women

The Vermont Commission on Women was founded in 1964 (then referred to as the “Governor’s Commission on the Status of Women”) by executive order from governor Philip Hoff[20].  The Commission is a state run agency that works to promote and advance women’s rights in Vermont.  Volunteer commissioners work with representatives from organizations focused on women’s issues. This group is used as a resource for local governments on topics regarding women’s issues. The commission stands as one of the oldest in the United States that has continually operated over the year.  2014 marked the commission’s 50th anniversary, and was added to the vermont statute in 2002[21].

History of Legislation in Vermont

Clarina Howard Nichols and 19th Century Legislation

One of the earliest women’s right’s advocates in Vermont was Clarina Howard Nichols. Born in Townshend, Vermont in 1810, and Nichols worked as a  journalist, activist, and public speaker. She championed reform movements progressive for the early 19th century, such as abortion and comprehensive women’s rights.[22] Nichols was particularly active during before the Civil War. For example, in 1852, Nichols became the first woman to address the Vermont Legislature, arguing for school suffrage for women in Vermont.[23] The Vermont Legislature denied her appeal, although Nichols continued to advocate for school suffrage and other rights. However, the Civil War slowed the women’s rights movement she started in Vermont.[24] Other advocates would continue her efforts after the Civil War.

A major indication of the rise of the women’s suffrage movement in Vermont was the topic of women’s suffrage by the Council of Censors in 1869. Partially in response to her efforts, the Vermont Council of Censors considered, but ultimately rejected adding an amendment to the Vermont Constitution that would grant women suffrage in 1869.[24] Although women did not win suffrage, Vermont began to increasingly grant rights to women, even before 1869.[23] For example, in 1847 the Vermont Legislature granted married women the right to make wills and some control over their inherited personal property.[23] Later, in 1867, the Vermont Legislature granted married women control over their inherited personal property.[23] In 1880, the Vermont Legislature gave tax-paying women the right to vote and hold office in school districts.[23] The official creation of Vermont Women Suffrage Association in 1883 maintained the momentum of securing women’s rights.[23] And by 1886, Vermont granted married women the right to control their own earnings.[23] Thus, partially in thanks to Nichols, women gained some victories during the 19th century and the movement was fully underway.  

Despite her lack of legislative success, Nichols’ contributions to feminism in Vermont are still remembered. In honor of her work, Morrisville, VT has a women’s shelter named the “Clarina Howard Nichols Center.” The Center founded in 1981 in response to an appeal from the community for consistent, quality services for battered women and their children.[5] Understanding Nichols’ history has inspired the Center to provide services to the community that helps to end domestic and sexual violence.[5]

Edna Beard and Early 20th Century Legislation

In 1900 Vermont passed a law which allowed women to serve as town treasurers, town librarians, and notaries public.[23] However, more impactful legislation was passed in 1917. In 1917, Vermont women gained the right to vote in municipal elections.[23] The right to vote within the system of local government was a major victory for Vermont’s Women’s Suffrage Movement. In doing so, Vermont was more prepared than some states for the national Women’s Suffrage guaranteed by the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.[25]

Shortly after such passages of legislation, Vermont had its first female representative. Edna Beard of Orange, Vermont was elected to the House of Representatives in 1921. She later also served on the Vermont Senate. Her first bill in the Vermont House of Representatives, Act 218, argued for $2 a week child support for women whose husbands were "incapacitated by an incurable disease," and her bill was passed.[26] Meanwhile, while Senator, her first successful bill made it possible for county sheriffs to hire women as deputies.[26] Because of Beard and other politically active women in Vermont, Vermont had the second highest number of legislators in New England during the early 20th century, second only to New Hampshire.[23] By 1930s, women active in the House of Representatives and Senate had formed the Vermont Order of Women Legislators, or OWLS, in the late 1930s:[27] “The OWLS provided woman legislators, past and present, with a place to gather, share ideas, and continue to work toward improving and protecting issues of importance to them.”[23]

Late 20th Century Legislation

In 1962, President Kennedy challenged every state to create a “Governor’s Commission on the Status of Women,” through Executive Order 10980.[28]

Queer Spaces in Vermont

Finding Community in a Rural Space

Vermont is a largely rural state.  Rural in this context refers to the dispersed nature of the population and lack of large cities as well to the lifestyle, agricultural focus, and mindset[29] of many Vermonters. Along with its rurality, Vermont is widely thought of as being a unique rural place because of its famous liberal politics. Because of this rurality, many queer community building groups organize through technology rather than in person. Rural Vermont does a lot of queer organizing and community building through Facebook, with pages such as Vermont Trans Connect Network. Rutland has multiple up and coming queer networks. Elisabeth Waller started a queer and trans book club called Rutland Area Queer Ladies Book Club. Green Mountain Crossroads is a queer organization that wants to increase rural queer community and visibility in Vermont.  Their website states: “Green Mountain Crossroads connects rural LGBTQ people to build community, visibility, knowledge, and power. We are based in Brattleboro, VT.”[30]

Organizations in Burlington

There are also in-person groups, mainly based in the relatively urban center of Burlington. Organizations in Burlington that focus on queer community building include Outright Vermont,[31] which is a drop-in space for queer, questioning and allied “youth.” Though directly interested in helping Vermont’s queer, trans, and questioning youth, people cite Outright as being an intergenerational community and space. Another queer community center in Burlington is the Pop Up! Queer Dance Party organization that opened in response to the lack of gay bars in Vermont.  This organization said that a large part of their motivation to create real life, as opposed to digital, spaces for queer people to come together.[32]  They define themselves as a “queer social and response space in the Burlington, VT area.”[33]

Lesbian Separatism

Separatism and isolated queer communes gained traction in the 1960s and 1970s. Lesbians formed geographically isolated communities, and the practice was coined lesbian separatism. This separatism was characterized by the movement of women to all-female locations with little to no interaction or dependency on men. Within Vermont this form of counterculture was represented by The RedBird Collective, an all-female separatism group that formed in 1976 and dispersed in 1979.[34]

RedBird was a feminist-lesbian collective; the members were very politically and socially active. It was envisioned as being a space for lesbians and their families to live.[35]

In 1977, a member of RedBird faced a legal battle for custody of her daughter. Both the woman’s sexuality as well as the daughter’s upbringing in RedBird were used against the mother, and the Lesbian Defense Fund in Essex County, Vermont formed to help her. The group won the case, and between 1978 and 1979, the Lesbian Defense Fund continued to help lesbian mothers fighting for custody. [36]

Lesbian separatism presents ideas about queer visibility and the question of the benefits and downsides of being visible, and being visible in different types of communities. Separatism is criticized as reinforcing gender binaries, oppression and power by further banalizing man and woman, by not accounting for people that don't identify as one or the other.

LGBTQ activism in Vermont

Activism at University of Vermont

At the University of Vermont, there are many similar forms of activism that are taking place. Each year at UVM, there is a Women’s Award Banquet. At this banquet, women, and allies are awarded for contributing to the well-being of women on campus, as well as raising awareness about gender inequalities. In addition, women are given awards celebrating their active role on a sports team, or celebrating outstanding academics, etc. UVM is also taking many important measures to raise awareness with regards to sexual violence, and they are soon holding a Conference titled Dismantling Rape Culture. In addition to many supporting programs for women, there is also an LGBTQA center at UVM. The LGBTQA center helps to build a strong community of allies, and helps to create a safe place for people who identify as LGBTQA. The center participates in many reach-out programs in order to increase LGBTQA inclusion, and to improve on a sense of an overall community at UVM. They hold a variety of events, support groups, and collaborations in order to maintain a sense of communication within the LGBTQA community at UVM. Additionally, University of vermont’s College Undergraduates Not Tolerating Sexism is a club that is dedicated to promoting Gender equity, feminism and sex positivity both on campus and beyond. The organization has weekly meetings where they discuss feminist topics and plan activism.

Activism at Middlebury College

There are many forms of activism taken on college campuses. Both at Middlebury College and the University of Vermont, there are a variety of clubs and organizations that promote women’s rights and feminism, as well as LGBTQ rights. Specifically, at Middlebury College, there is a Queer Studies house. The Queer Studies House (QSH) is a house on campus where students can reside, and the house has the academic interest of studying queer studies. QSH provides an environment where students are always learning about queer studies, learning new leadership and activist skills, and the house invites people of all gender and sexual identities to live there. QSH is a really great example of LGBTQ activism on college campuses, because it fosters an environment for all different types of people to learn about queer studies and how queer studies are related to race, class, and gender. By creating this environment, the house is also building and enriching a sense of community on campus. At Middlebury College, there are also a wide variety of clubs regarding resources for women, and feminist activism. These clubs include Feminist Action at Middlebury (FAM), Women of Color, Sister-to-Sister, and many more. At Middlebury, there is also an award that is given out annually, called the Feminist of the Year Award. This award is given to a person who makes a significant contribution on campus raising awareness about gender issues and inequalities.There are also a large number of Sexual Assault prevention and awareness measures being taken on campus, such as It Happens Here (IHH), and Brother to Brother.

LGBTQ Organizations in Vermont

Gay and Lesbian Fund of Vermont

The Gay and Lesbian Fund of Vermont [37] aims to reduce homophobia in Vermont by highlighting the positive impacts LGBTQ members make on their local community. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer beings heavily contribute to the arts, medical institutions, educational systems, humane societies and many more organizations. The Gay and Lesbian Fund of Vermont aims to make LGBTQ+ contributions more visible to enhance the acknowledgement of charity given by the LGBTQ+ community within the general public.

Outright Vermont

Outright Vermont is one of the largest organizations,established in 1989, to work towards building a safe, healthy, and supportive environments for gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender,and queer people ages thirteen through twenty two[38]. Outright Vermont was founded by young queer thinkers after reading a survey expressing how queer youth are at higher risk of suicide than their heterosexual counterparts.[39] This nonprofit has organized queer youth spaces, education and outreach work statewide, and annual large scale events like youth pride, statewide queer and allied youth summit, and annual Outright awards.

Pride Center of Vermont

“New England’s most comprehensive community center dedicated to advancing community and the health and safety of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ) Vermonters." [40]Founded in 1999 by a group of Vermont students, Pride Center of Vermont originally met at a kitchen table where volunteers would make answer phone calls and plan events. In 2002, the Pride Center of Vermont changed it’s name, originally called RU12?, to the current name and expanded its programs. The Pride Center of Vermont now strives to cater members from varying socioeconomic backgrounds, safety, and health needs. It hosts events ranging from Pride Festivals, club nights, Walk-In HIV testing, and support groups. All in attempts to foster a vibrant and healthy queer community in Vermont.

Vermont Diversity Health Project

Vermont Diversity Health Projects mission is to improve the health and wellness of LGBTQ Vermonters by increasing access and easing tensions between quality health care providers and LGBTQ people throughout the state.[41] In 2001, Vermont Diversity Health Project published their first version of Our Bodies, Our Minds- which is a guide that helps identify providers that are friendly and accepting of all sexual and gender identities.

The Samara Fund at the Vermont Community Foundation

The Samara Fund supports Vermont's LGBTQ members by providing funds for projects and scholarships while also establishing a permanent resource for the future. The community foundation family consists of generous individuals, families, business and nonprofit organizations that give permanent charitable funds to help community members tackle challenges and improve the quality of life in their region. These funds are then invested and administered by the community foundation. Annually they provide more than $12 million grants in Vermont and beyond.

Samara Fund foundation was founded in 1992 as a nonprofit corporation and operated as a human rights foundation of Vermont till 1998. In 2011 the foundation partnered with Vermont community foundation and formed a platform to help and support the LGBTQ communities in Vermont. The initial development of the foundation was funded by Robert Mundstock (1947 -1992), an artist and activist in Vermont. The second foundation fund was the Douglas C. Howe (1949 - 1996) and Frank E. Shivers Trust created in memorial of Douglas and his life partner Frank Shivers. While creating the trust Douglas requested the foundation to distribute the money to organizations that help young gay and lesbians to live a healthy life.[42]

GLAD - Gay & Lesbian Advocate and Defenders

GLAD - Gay & Lesbian Advocate and Defenders is a legal rights organization in New England and nationally. They work to create a more just society and eliminate discrimination against people based on their sexual orientation, gender identity, and HIV status. They do litigation, advocacy and education work to achieve their goal and fight for LGBT rights. Their first victory was in 1980 when GLAD represented Asron Fricke, an 18 year old high school student in Cumberland High in Rhode Island and won the right to bring a same-sex date to the high school dance.[43]

GLAMA: Health professionals advancing LGBT

It was founded in 1981 is one of the largest and oldest association of LGBT healthcare professionals in the world. It began as a American Association of Physicians for Human Rights with the mission “ to ensure equality in healthcare for LGBT individuals and healthcare professionals.” It initially started with a focus on HIV/AID, however, currently is the leading public policy advocacy related to LGBT health including but not limited to mental health, substance abuse, neurology and many more.

GLAMA ensures lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals and healthcare providers equal health care benefits.  GLMA has helped millions of LGBT patients and families. The members includes more than 100 physicians, nurses, behavioral health specialists and many other health professionals. It is one of the leading public health policy related to LGBT.[44]

Human Rights Campaign (HRC)

Human Rights Campaign (HRC), with 1.5 million members and supports in the biggest civil rights organization working for equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer Americans. The organization focuses on all rights for LGBT, but have strongly advocated for marriage equality, anti-discrimination, and hate crime legislation.[45]

Critiques of Feminist Studies in Vermont

Students in Middlebury’s Gender Sexuality and Feminist studies department are leaders in many the schools activist groups, including Feminist Action at Middlebury, Women of Color and It Happens Here. The department claims to teach critical thinking, writing and organizing skills necessary to work towards ending oppression and demanding power for those who are silenced. However, Middlebury has seen some criticism about its Gender, Sexuality, and Feminist Studies department. Criticism has come from Christina Hoff Sommers, a scholar at the American Enterprise institute who has often criticized feminists studies departments in college curricula. She first sent out a tweet with an image of the description of the feminist blogging class a middlebury and sarcastically stated that it was “[her] favorite course in Middlebury Gender, Sexuality and Feminist Studies Program”[46]. Another tweet she posted links to middlebury’s description of the Gender, Sexuality, and Feminist Studies program accompanied by the statement “Oy vey”[47]. The Daily Wire also criticized middlebury’s Gender, Sexuality, and Feminist Studies department in an article titled 5 Courses At Middlebury College That Will Send Your Face Through A Desk. The article lists 5 courses that are offered at the college (Feminist blogging, The Qu'ran and the Feminist Subject, White People, Queering Food: Race, Place, and Social Justice, and Feminist Epistemologies) calling them “categorically insane”[48].

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