“Draft:Male-Pattern Violence”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

We don't put external links to outside websites in the body of our articles, so the Theoretical Approaches section should be turned into prose rather than a list of links.

Bolding certain passages to make a point does not help in terms of neutral point of view.

The individual crime statistics for the Toronto and London sections are unnecessary. For Toronto you can easily point to the 2018 Toronto van attack as a key example of your thesis.

Strangely enough, because Wikipedia is user-generated content, Wikipedia does not consider itself a reliable source for references in its own articles, so any of those in this article will have to be removed.

The sections showing examples of violent and non-violent societies can probably be pared down slightly. A few sentences about how matrilinial and female-lead societies have less violence and no concept of rape, while historically and currently patriarchal societies have larger rates of both.

Again, going back to neutral point of view, we can probably mention that Jennie Ruby wants to have people publicly acknowledge the concept and phrase Male Pattern Violence, but the social media aspect should probably be worded in such a way as to not come off promotional of the campaigns. Bkissin (talk) 18:08, 10 October 2018 (UTC)}}

In 2004 Jennie Ruby's essay Male-Pattern Violence.^[1]^[2] was published in the radical feminist periodical Off Our Backs. ^[3]The essay cites common resistive social attitudes toward discussing the fact that males perpetrate the most violent crime^[4], even though most males do not commit violent crime^[5]. In an effort to defuse defensiveness, and clear a path toward productive discussion, Ruby suggested using the term “male-pattern violence” rather than “male violence”^[6]. She hoped that this label would cause people to think of male-pattern baldness, understand that while not all males go bald, there are patterns of baldness specific to males, just as there are patterns of baldness specific to females. In terms of violence, patterns are evident in relation to the sex of the perpetrator. Males play a greater role in perpetrating specific types of violent crimes such as: stranger violence,^[7] rape, homicide, femicide,^[8] attempted murder, rioting, organized gang violence^[9], domestic violence^[10], and war.^[11]^[12]^[13] On the whole, females commit less violent crime than males^[14]^[15]^[16], and the types of violent crimes they do perpetrate are different, such as: prostitution, (described by Rachel Moran^[17] ^[18]as exploitation, mainly of women, who are marginalized, poor and trapped in cycles of abuse) infanticide^[19]^[20], (typically for reasons of postpartum depression), common assault, and homicide of a current spouse (typically for self-defence reasons)^[21]^[22]^[23]. Males are more likely to kill an estranged spouse or partner for reasons of jealousy.^[24] Women are less likely than men to commit violence against a stranger, and they are less likely than men to commit repeat offences.^[25] There has even been some research surrounding sex differences in psychopathy. Psychopathic males are observed as more prone to physical violence than psychopathic females who are more prone to internalized aggression such as self-harm.^[26]

Examples of Societies With Minimal or No Male-Pattern Violence

Some cultures have existed without war, homicide, rape or other harms, committed with intent, by human beings against human beings. It has been pointed out that these cultures all seem to be built upon a social model of cooperation rather than competition.^[27] ^[28]^[29]Anthropologist Peggy Reeves Sanday^[30] suggests that female participation in politics is essential to low rape rates in a society.^[31].

Non-Literate Societies

The child rearing practices of non-literate societies^[31] can provide us with an example of the cooperation model within a non-violent community. Anthropologist Ashley Montagu notes differences in child-rearing practices between the New Guinea Mountain Arapesh^[32] and the New Guinea Mundugomor^[33] people. Montagu reports that the Mountain Arapesh child, whose needs are promptly met by the family and community, becomes a non-violent, gentle adult^[35]. The Mundugomor, child, who receives inconsistent attention, becomes an uncooperative, self-centred and aggressive adult.^[34]

Infant care in non-violent societies includes close bodily contact with the mother as well as the community. The infant learns to expect a community of comfort.^[37] The child is held constantly, in these cultures, and is gradually placed less and less with the mother. Infant needs are met without hesitation, by various members of the community. Adults, other than the biological parents of the child, are available both to the children and to the parents for support. At around the age of two, the transition point from baby to child^[35], the father assumes some of the nurturing responsibility in the child's life. For example, amongst the Mbuti of Zaire^[36], the father will hold the child to his own nipple and encourage the child to suckle. However, instead of milk, the child will receive her first solid food from her father^[37]. The transition from baby to child also sees a change in permissiveness. Child aggressive behaviour is not met with physical punishment, but with gentle controls such as interruption, distraction, separation of fighting children, and the ignoring of children's aggression toward adults. Adults do not role-model aggressive behaviour, cooperation is rewarded and aggression is discouraged.^[34]

Female Lead Societies

The Mosuo

The [https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mosuo Mosuo] people, who live at the edge of [https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lugu_Lake Luga Lake] in The People’s Republic of China, have a history of semi-Matriarchal culture. Female rule here is described as simply a function of their work. Gain, for the Mosuo, is considered to be a well functioning society and family, as opposed to the collection of wealth and accumulation of goods, found in competitive patriarchal societies^[42]. Here again, we find a society of cooperation rather than competition. Male-pattern violence, and violence in general, is reported to be non-existent amongst the Mosuo. Fighting is viewed as shameful and it can damage social standing.^[38] Anthropologists have suggested that the Muoso's relatively low rate of male power could be responsible for their absence of violent crime^[42]. The Mosuo are said to have no word for war, no homicides, no rapes, and no need for jails.^[39] ^[40]

The Nagovisi

The Nagovisi are a farming people of North Solomon’s Province, Papua New Guinea. This matrilineal, uxorilocal society has an extremely low incidence of male-pattern violence. Rape is viewed as ridiculous, because people cannot imagine how it could possibly work, since a woman would cry out and people would come to her aid.^[41]^[42]

Child rearing, like the non-literate societies mentioned prior, does not typically involve physical hitting as discipline. Toddlers, who behave with physical aggression toward adults, are simply ignored^[41]^[42]. Young children might be frightened into obedience with warnings of "ghosts, white people or snakes". During play, it is not typical for children to physically hit one another, although verbal insults are not unheard of. There is a communal pride, toward any child of the community, who is sturdy, direct in their manner, and mature. Here we see yet another example of cooperation rather than competition amongst a society that has lower incidences of male-pattern violence.^[41]^[42]

The Minangkabau

The Minangkabau live on the island of Sumatra, Indonesia in the West-Central highlands. The Minangkabau are matrillineal, with inheritance and family decent running through the female line. ^[43] Researchers have noted that male-pattern rape is almost null amongst the Minagkabau people.^[31] It has been noted that women make many of the major decisions, including those related to marriage, land, and home.^[44] Once again, here we see female participation in politics as a possible correlation to lowered levels of male-pattern violence.

Examples of Male-Pattern Violence in Today's World

AFGHANISTAN

Male-pattern violence against females: domestic violence

The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) ^[45]and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) ^[46]prepared a report that addresses criminal offences of violence against women. The report is titled "Injustice and Impunity: Mediation of Criminal Offences of Violence against Women".^[47] The aim of the report is to promote the protection of women's rights with regard to access to justice for women survivors of violence.

The report defines violent acts as homicide, beating, lacerations, mutilation, child marriage, enforced prostitution, burning or the use of chemical substances, acid attacks, forced self-immolation or suicide, the giving away of a woman or girl in marriage as payment for murder, rape or another crime, as a means to resolve disputes between families^[47]. A 2005 report published by the World Bank^[48] notes that over one hundred women in the Herat province set themselves on fire while dozens in Badakshan province jumped into the Kokcha river and drowned themselves to escape forced marriages. Enforced prostitution has been documented as the practice of husbands selling young wives for sexual services. ^[49] In terms of male violence against women rates in Afghanistan, UNAMA interviewed 237 cases of violence against female victims and it was noted that perpetrators of violence against women were predominantly male family members. 194 survivors, out of the 237 cases monitored by UNAMA, stated that the perpetrator was a male relative, mainly a spouse.^[47]

The UNAMA/OHCHR report states that between August 2015 and December 2017, 237 violence against women cases were documented across 22 provinces.^[47] Between August 2015 and March 2016, UNAMA documented 164 cases of violence against women across 20 provinces.^[47] Between January and December 2017, UNAMA documented an additional 72 cases across 21 provinces.^[47] Between January 2016 to December 2017, 280 cases of murder and honour killings of women were reported to Elimination of Violence Against Women Law (EVAW) institutions.^[47]

In June of 2013 Khaama Press reported that the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC)^[50] found that 21 percent of honour killings were committed by the husbands of the murdered.^[68] 7 percent of the honour killings were committed by brothers of the victims, 4 percent by the fathers of the victims, with brother-in-laws, 57 percent of killers were mothers and other relatives (sex and relative type not noted) while 15 percent of honour killings and rape cases were committed by male Afghan police officers.^[51] Afghans regard jirga (customary law enforced by a council of elders) decisions as the law and councils are made up exclusively of men^[52]. Women cannot approach the informal justice mechanisms, without the assistance of a male relative, which severely limits their ability to raise issues with the local jirgas.^[49]

Small sample of female-pattern violence: violence against children, murder with victims not described

In terms of female offenders in Afghanistan, Pul-e Charki prison allowed researchers access to 56 of its 69 female prisoner population for interview. Moral crimes^[53]constituted 50% of the charges. Moral crimes include running away (1 prisoner), running away along with adultery (8 prisoners), adultery (12 prisoners), facilitating/supporting adultery (4 prisoners), attempted adultery (1 prisoner), undefined moral crime (1 prisoner), running away and theft (1 prisoner).^[49] 16 prisoners, 28.5%, were charged with murder, 1 prisoner was charged with murder and adultery (the self reporting of this prisoner is unclear and she may be charged with adultery only), 1 prisoner charged with murder revised as child neglect, 7 (12.5 %) charged with kidnapping, 1 charged with kidnapping/robbery, 1 charged with interference with family life and causing bodily harm, and 1 charged with drug trafficking.^[49] In this small sample, the murder victims are not described, except for one case of infanticide which is a more common crime for females who kill.^[20]^[19] Violence against the family, as opposed to stranger violence, is more common amongst women. Robbery and drug trafficking are more common crimes amongst women, but they do not fall under the category of violent crime^[54]

Male-pattern violence: War

Since the USA invaded in 2001, Afghanistan have suffered has suffered deaths of tens of thousands of Afghans.^[55] 31,419 Afghan civilians have been killed, 42,100 Taliban and other militants, 30,470 Afghan military and police, 3,946 "other" including contractors, journalists and humanitarian workers, 2,371 US forces and 1,136 US allies.^[56] In patriarchies, such as Afghanistan^[57]^[58]^[49]and the United States of America ^[59], males are the major decision makers and participators in war and terrorism.^[60]

ALGERIA

Crime statistics are not publicly reported

The Algerian Government does not publish crime statistics, which makes it difficult to collect national data regarding violent offences ^[61]. Algerian laws are based on French law and Shari’a (Islamic) law. In the Arabic version of the penal code, rape is not defined^[86]. Sexual assault is referred to as an "attack on the honour", and a man who rapes a woman can avoid legal penalty by marrying his rape victim. A man or a woman can murder their spouse, legally, if the spouse commits adultery^[62]. It is worth noting, here, that a singular woman is not considered a full person before the court^[63]. In criminal cases the testimony of two women is required in order to equal the testimony of one man.^[64] It is reasonable, then, to presume that a half person, who murders her adulterous husband, could face great difficulty defending herself successfully in an Algerian court.

Male-pattern violence: Mob violence

There are multiple cases of male perpetrated mob violence in Algeria, whereby male mobs target women in order to establish control based on religious belief. After Algeria gained independence from France in 1962, the Algerian Government began to employ religious doctrine to govern the country.^[65] In the 1970s male mobs began to organize and attack women who were perceived as defying their religiously imposed sex roles.^[66] Women employed by state owned factories in Sidi Bel Abbès were stoned by male mobs and prevented from entering their work places. The factories were resultantly shut down but later reopened. Women required police escorts to return to work safely.^[67]^[68]

In 1989, 197 residents in the Algerian city of Ouargla petitioned to have three women moved out of the neighbourhood.^[67] Towns people viewed the women’s lifestyles as religiously out of line. It is known that one of the three women was named Ouarda. She was divorced, living without a male guardian, in a house with her many children. The mob of men burned Ouarda's house to the ground with her four year old physically disabled child inside. The child burned to death.^[67]^[68]

During the 1990s, Amnesty International reports that male members of armed groups randomly raped hundreds, and possibly thousands, of girls and women during the Algerian Civil War.^[69] Women and girls were mutilated, killed, abducted, held against their will, and forced to cook and clean for male members of the Islamic Salvation Front and Islamic Armed Groups. Algerian feminist Zazi Sadou described the assailants shouting "Allah Houwa Akbar" (God is the highest) as the men attacked women while shouting slogans against the state.^[68]^[69]

In July of 2001a mob of 300 ordinary male citizens (not organized armed groups) perpetrated an attack on the divorced and widowed women, employed by foreign oil companies in the city of Bouamama, as cleaning personnel, secretaries and cooks.^[68] The mob of male assailants were inspired by the fascist ideology of Amar Taleb, an Islamist imam, who had delivered a sermon accusing the women of immoral behaviour. Taleb called upon the men in the mosque to a "jihad against the Evil" to "chase the women fornicators out of the area". On July 13-14, 2001, the men murdered, tortured, stabbed, mutilated, raped and gang raped girls and women. They robbed, looted and burned the houses of women. The violence continued on July 14 and 15 in area "136" of Hassi Messaoud. On July 16 it continued in an area of Hassi Messaoud labelled "200". On July 17, 23 and 24, violence occurred in the city of Tebessa where the list of violent offences committed by mobs of men extended to the burning down of shops owned by women. In Hassi Messaoud, 95 female victims of the mob attacks, along with some who "could be attacked", have been locked up in a youth hostel guarded by security men.^[68] From 2001 until the time of the sourced report "Algeria: Attacks on women in Hassi Messaoud", written in 2014, the women are still not allowed to leave the hostel "for their protection".^[68]

Male-pattern violence: terrorism

Travel advisories, current as of August 2018, warn against travel to Algeria due to threats of terrorism.^[70] ^[71] Foreigners are considered legitimate targets for male terrorists and have been kidnapped and executed, as was the case with French citizen Herve Gourdel in 2014.^[72] A group of men, belonging to terrorist group Jund al-Khalifa, beheaded Gourdel and filmed themselves holding his decapitated head for the camera.^[73]^[74] Male terrorist groups have kidnapped foreigners, government officials and civilians for financial gain and political leverage. ^[75] The main terrorist threat in Algeria is from Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb as well as other groups including Al Murabitun and Daesh-affiliates.^[71]

Suicide attacks are a threat in Algeria. In 2017 a man detonated a bomb outside of a police station in Western Algeria, killing himself and two police officers.^[76] The attack was claimed by ISIS In another 2017 incident, a man attempted to suicide bomb a police station beneath a residential home in the city of Constantine. A male police officer witnessed the man approaching and used his gun to shoot the explosive belt worn by the suicide bomber. The attack was claimed by the Islamic State^[77]

TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA

In Toronto, Ontario, Canada, 2018, the homicide rate has surpassed that of New York City, New York, USA.^[78] As of October, 2018, the city of Toronto has recorded 84 homicides. ^[79] Thus far, out of the 84 homicides reported, only the homicide of Abbegail Elliott involved a female perpetrator. Two people were charged with first degree murder in Elliott's death, one female and one male.^[80] The Toronto Van attack was a mass murder whereby 8 women and 2 men were killed by vehicle ramming. Another 15 people were injured during the attack. ^[81] The perpetrator of the attack was 25 year old male, Alek Minassian.^[82]

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