| 词条 | Joaquín Manglano y Cucaló de Montull |
| 释义 |
| name = Joaquín Manglano y Cucaló | image = Joaquín Manglano.png | image_size = | alt = | caption = | birth_name = Joaquín Manglano y Cucaló | birth_date = 1892 | birth_place = Valencia | death_date = 1985 | death_place = Valencia | body_discovered = | death_cause = | resting_place = | resting_place_coordinates = | residence = | nationality = Spanish | citizenship = | other_names = | known_for = official, politician | education = | alma_mater = | employer = | notable works = | occupation = landowner | years_active = | home_town = | salary = | networth = | height = | weight = | title = | term = | predecessor = | successor = | party = UP, Carlism, FET | opponents = | boards = | spouse = | partner = | children = | parents = | relations = | callsign = | awards = | signature = | signature_alt = | website = | footnotes = | box_width = | misc = }} Joaquín Manglano y Cucaló de Montull, Grandee of Spain, 15. Baron of Cárcer, 2. Baron of Beniomer, 18. Baron of Llaurí, 6. Count of Burgo de Laverazo, 2. Marquis of Altamira de la Puebla, 13. Baron of Alcahalí de San Juan y Mosquera (1892-1985)[1] was a Spanish entrepreneur, official, Catholic activist and politician. In terms of business he is known mostly as member of the Levantine economic oligarchy, in terms of officialdom as a Francoist mayor of Valencia and a longtime Cortes deputy, in terms of Catholic activity as president of Legión Católica Española and in terms of politics as a Carlist. Family and youthThe Manglano family was first noted in the 14th century, related to Alcarria;[2] they grew to major Castilian landholders in the 16th and 17th century.[3] In the mid-18th century its branch settled in Levante;[4] accumulating land in the Valencia province they grew to regidores and, by means of marriage, entered the aristocratic strata.[5] Joaquín’s paternal grandfather, Jose Pedro Manglano y Ruiz[6] (1819-1900),[7] gained new aristocratic titles,[8] in 1867-1868 served as a Cortes deputy[9] and emerged as one of the most prestigious local personalities. Joaquín’s father, Luis Manglano y Palencia (1863–1937), inherited some of the titles and most of the real estate wealth, adding also new honors to his collection;[10] until the 1910s in public realm he was noted mostly as leader of aristocratic Valencian Catholic organizations.[11] He married Josefa Cucaló de Montull y Cubells (1861–1951),[12] a girl of prestigious aristocratic descent[13] who brought yet new titles to the family.[14] The couple had 8 children, Joaquín born as the oldest of the siblings.[15] Joaquín was first educated - like his father, brothers and sons - at the prestigious Jesuit Colegio San José in Valencia, completing the curriculum in 1908.[16] He then went on to study both law and letters.[17] He spent academic years with University of Valencia,[18] but obtained PhD laurels in 1914 in Madrid thanks to the thesis titled Apuntes para una memoria sobre El Justicia de Valencia.[19] He might have intended to work as a secondary school teacher,[20] but in the mid-1910 he was already referred to as “joven abogado valenciano”[21] and having later inherited most of his fathers’ wealth, lived off the family business.[22] In the 1950s he pursued his interest in history by publishing few works.[23] In 1922 Manglano married Maria del Pilar Baldoví y Miquel (1902-1999),[24] descendant to a noble Baldoví family,[25] owners of landholdings in Ribera Baixa;[26] she brought to the already opulent marriage the Tancat de la Baldovina, hundreds of hectares of rice-growing areas near Sueca.[27] The couple settled in Valencia, on calle Salvador;[28] they had 5 children, born between 1923 and 1933;[29] though some of them became known locally,[30] none grew to a nationally-recognized figure.[31] Emilio Manglano, a military involved in CESID, was his nephew. Percival Manglano, a currently active Spanish politician, is his grand-nephew.[32] Manglano accumulated a number of aristocratic titles. In 1916 he was awarded a long defunct honor of 15. Baron of Cárcer,[33] the name alternatively applied to him by contemporary press and by present-day scholars alike. Following death of his father, in 1949 Manglano was confirmed as 2. barón de Beniomer and 18. barón de Llaurí.[34] In 1950 the regime conferred upon him Grandeza de España. In 1953 he inherited the title and became the 6. Count of Burgo de Laverazo, in 1956 the 2. Marquis of Altamira de la Puebla and in 1962 the 13. Baron of Alcahalí.[35] By the end of his life Manglano ceded some of the titles to his offspring, in one case re-acquiring it as he outlived his son.[36] Restoration: maurista, ciervista and datista (prior to 1923)Throughout the 19th century Manglano’s ascendants did not demonstrate clear political penchant: the Barón de Llaurí family is listed as traditionally pro-Liberal, Barón de Cárcer family as traditionally ambiguous and Barón de Terrateig traditionally Carlist.[37] However, in the early 20th century his father was clearly active as a Conservative. The young Joaquín, apart from having been first noted as joining Orden de Montesa in 1909,[38] during his academic years engaged in emerging Catholic initiatives; they are currently classified as falling somewhere in-between Christian Democracy and Social Catholicism. Influenced by Herrera Oria and ACNDP, in 1912 Manglano was recorded as active in catolicismo agrario, visiting local Levantine villages[39] and advocating workers’ self-organization;[40] in 1913 he contributed himself to setting up Sindicato Cátolico Agrario.[41] In the mid-1910s he was also active in the Valencian Centro de Jovenes para la Defensa Social and together with his father took part in initiatives bringing together various breeds of ultra-conservative groupings, apart from the Conservatives including the Integrists and the Jaimists.[42] In 1916 Joaquín supported own father in his bid for the Cortes from Nules; in the extremely divided local conservative setting[43] Luis Manglano was elected[44] thanks to support of the right-wing conservative fraction named Maurists, the Carlists, and the Republicans.[45] In 1917 Joaquín appeared among ciervistas, followers of another fronding conservative tycoon, Juan de la Cierva.[46] During the 1918 campaign he decided to compete himself, undoubtedly banking on previous success of his father, also from Nules. Political environment was extremely complex: according to a present-day scholar he was supposed to represent the Maurists and two Carlist groups, the mainstream Jaimists and the local breakaways, named Paquistas, who even set up La Gaceta de Levante to support the campaign.[47] The Carlists eventually supported Jaime Chicharro and it was only the mauristas who backed Cárcer, though contemporary press dubbed Manglano ciervo-datista[48] or ciervista.[49] The result was that with the conservative vote split, the mandate went to a Liberal candidate.[50]In 1919 Manglano decided to try again, though political setting was already entirely different: with Maura serving as the prime minister, barón de Cárcer was to stand as a governmental candidate with all electoral pucherazo infrastructure at his disposal.[51] Though initially he was to stand in Nules,[52] it was finally decided that Albocácer offered better chances; indeed, with no counter-candidate standing, he was declared victorious according to notorious Article 29.[53] During the brief term in the parliament he emerged as a rather active newcomer and was noted mostly as outspoken advocate of governmental support for catholic trade unions,[54] supposed to provide a bulwark against “red workers”.[55] During the following campaign of 1920 Manglano concluded that mauristas had nothing to offer, vacillating between datistas[56] and ciervistas;[57] supposed to run as ciervista[58] he finally resigned;[59] the setting persisted until the 1923 campaign.[60]Dictatorship and after: upetista (1923-1931)As the 1923 advent of Primo de Rivera dictatorship brought national political life to a standstill, all existing parties have been dissolved. It is not clear how Manglano approached the end of liberal democracy; however, in January 1924 he was recorded as admitted by the dictator at a personal meeting, when probably Cárcer offered his support for the new regime.[61] Though he was soon noted as engaged in a new primoderiverista state party, Unión Patriótica,[62] until the mid-1920s Manglano was not recorded as landing any jobs either in the party or in the administration. His public activities during that period focused on two areas: business and Catholic initiatives. Already in the 1910s active in corporate organizations and pressure groups of orange producers, in the early 1920s he emerged as a fairly belligerent speaker, at the Valencian Asamblea Naranjera[63] comparing their militants to soldiers who recognized no limits.[64] In the mid-1920s he rose to executive of Federación de Productores de Naranja de Levante,[65] finally becoming its treasurer.[66] Once he married into the rice business Manglano commenced activities also in their groupings.[67] He animated the local Cámara Oficial Agrícola[68] and Cámara de la Propiedad Rústica,[69] cultivating the trade union link at Sindicato Agrícola de San Bernardo[70] and exploiting his UP connection.[71] On the Catholic side he was active in Legión Católica and Acción Católica, the former an aristocratic and the latter a popular organization. In Acción he grew to propaganda coordinator of the Valencia branch.[72] In Legión he became president of the Valencia organization,[73] member of Consejo Nacional,[74] vice-president[75] and finally president of Legión Católica Española.[76] At unspecified time Cárcer was nominated to the Valencian ayuntamiento; according to some sources the appointment might have taken place in 1926[77] and according to other it occurred in January 1927.[78] Neither his exact position nor role is clear; referred to either as regidor,[79] concejal[80] or teniente de alcalde, he was noted as engaged in trade, scholarship,[81] festivities[82] and local suburban administration.[83] He resigned from the city council in August 1928,[84] but in February 1929 was again noted as active;[85] it is not clear when he ceased. Received by Alfonso XIII in 1930,[86] in the early 1931 he was acknowledged as running in the local elections, but nothing is known of their outcome; most likely he lost.[87] In the early months of the Republic Cárcer, initially appearing at good terms with local authorities,[88] engaged in conservative meetings[89] united with his old-time rival, Chicharro.[90] Some sources report him taking part in the pro-Alfonsist Acción Española[91] and running for the Cortes from Albocàsser and Vinaròs,[92] information not confirmed elsewhere. By the Left he was clearly recognized as a reactionary enemy: in September 1931 some of his property went up in flames.[93] In February 1932 the civil governor acknowledged him as inflammatory speaker and declared that his meetings would be monitored by the security to ensure he does not go off limits.[94] Republic: carlista (1932-1936)During his early career Cárcer had many close encounters with the Carlists; as a teenager he met them at joint Integrist meetings,[95] negotiated their support when running for the Cortes[96] and by some newspapers was even once reported as their candidate.[97] Privately he used to meet a longtime Valencian Carlist leader, Manuel Simó Marín, at meetings of Colegio San José associates;[98] perhaps most importantly, his mother[99] and his wife[100] came from the Carlist families. However, it was only in the spring of 1932 that he started to visit their meetings[101] and deliver addresses.[102] At that time his Conservative stand adopted a decisively anti-Republican flavor. It is likely that Manglano engaged in gear-up to the Sanjurjo coup. Official information claimed a contraband of weapons directed to Cárcer had been intercepted, though when it came to details only one pistol was discovered.[103] He was arrested mid-August in Pamplona[104] and released early October 1932.[105] Legal measures taken materialized as expropriation of his landholdings;[106] he was denounced as the one who tried to “set the fire on”.[107] According to some sources he was sent to the Spanish African prison outpost in Villa Cisneros, where he was finally converted to Carlism[108] and joined the movement as part of "Grupo de Villacisneros".[109] In the late 1932 and most of 1933 Manglano was already fully engaged in Carlist propaganda in Levante,[110] demonstrating also a penchant for joint monarchist alliance with Renovación Española.[111] He was briefly detained again in the summer of 1933.[112] In the second Republican campaign to the Cortes Cárcer stood as a Carlist candidate on a joint Valencian Right-wing list; elected, after the 13-year-break he resumed the parliamentary career.[113] In the diet he joined commissión de guerra[114] and indeed remained very active on military-related issues: proposed his own draft on NCOs organization,[115] discussed officer retirement rules,[116] navy armament,[117] operations of the carabineros[118] and above all, demanding larger share of the budget for the army.[119] One of the most active Carlist deputies, Manglano addressed also a number of other questions, ranging from public space[120] to schooling[121] and prison services,[122] with rice and orange production dedicated due attention as well.[123] In 1934-1936 Cárcer went on with ever-increasing propaganda activities, both in his native area[124] and far beyond it,[125] featured also in Traditionalist press[126] and in 1934 nominated to co-head Delegación de Propaganda within the national Carlist executive.[127] He shared the generally uncompromising and fiercely anti-Republican party line, on the one hand lambasting CEDA and Gil-Robles[128] while on the other demanding harsh measures against Manuel Azaña, charged with supporting the 1934 revolution.[129] It is not clear what his role was in the Levantine party structures; some authors claim he was president of Junta Regional.[130] He was not listed as running in the 1936 electoral campaign, though the issue is not entirely clear.[131] Beyond Carlism, he rose to national executive of Junta Central del Tiro Nacional, a shooting association.[132] Civil War: turbulent unificado (1936-1939)It is obscure whether Cárcer was engaged in the forthcoming coup. When it commenced he was in Irún, an aristocratic summer holiday location or an escape route to France.[133] He soon found his way to Burgos, meeting Mola and offering own services.[134] Outcome of the talks is not clear; it is known, however, that Cárcer’s properties in Valencia and Madrid were searched,[135] his brother detained and executed.[136] There is scarce information on Cárcer’s whereabouts during late 1936; one author claims he enlisted to Requeté.[137] The most reliable information is that following Nationalist conquest of the city he returned to Irún,[138] together with a number of Levantine Carlists setting up sort of regional Valencian Carlist executive on exile.[139] The group focused on assistance to Levantine refugees and on editing a weekly Valencia.[140] At that time he acted as „comisario carlista por Valencia”.[141] Supporting the Nationalist army[142] - most likely by financial donations[143] - and remembered for his pro-military Cortes harangues, Cárcer went on well with the military. Member of the Carlist wartime executive, in early 1937 he advocated acceptance of amalgamation of Carlism into Falange Española Tradicionalista,[144] though he refrained from taking part in last-minute attempt of internal coup within the party.[145] In mid-1937 he transformed the exile Carlist Valencian organization into the FET one, the difference having been that it was based in San Sebastián.[146] Some authors identify him merely as member of Secretaría Regional of FET,[147] others claim that until early 1938 was co-heading the Valencian branch.[148] Despite unification, Manglano stuck to his Traditionalist identity; he soon embarked on war against the Falangist old-shirts, competing with them for control of the Valencian FET. When in the spring of 1938 the Nationalist troops seized first comarcas of the Valencian region, rivalry to control its FET branch translated into rivalry for real power. With Castellón province fully controlled by May, in June Cárcer was appointed head of the provincial FET,[149] one of 3 most important civil positions in every province.[150] When speculating about his nomination scholars consider Francoist policy of keeping different political families in check by balancing their influence,[151] Cárcer’s good relations with Serrano Suñer[152] or pressure on part of pro-Carlist Army of Levante commander, general Orgaz.[153] Once appointed, Manglano embarked on all-out war against the Falangist old-shirts, trying to turn the province into a Carlist fiefdom.[154] He denounced them as disguised Leftists,[155] did his best to get the Falangist military unit, Bandera Valenciana, dissolved,[156] and appointed Traditionalists to key positions in party and administrative structures.[157] In later reports he was denounced as sabotaging unification, spending party money on Traditionalist propaganda[158] and allowing Carlist youth to prowl the streets shouting “Viva el Rey”.[159] However, the Falangists stroke back,[160] complaining about his omnipresence.[161] In October 1938 Cárcer travelled to Burgos to enhance his position,[162] but the mission backfired. In January 1939 he was dismissed from the Castellón FET jefatura.[163] Total personal reshuffling followed and the attempt to ensure Carlist domination in the province ended up in failure.[164] Early Francoism: official (1939-1943)Though Manglano’s dismissal from provincial Castellón jefatura might have looked like a fall from grace, it turned out to have been an episode in the Francoist checks-and-balances policy. Soon after in April 1939 the Nationalist troops entered Valencia, he was nominated mayor of the city,[165] at that time the third largest urban centre of Spain. The post rendered him one of the most powerful Carlist politicians within Francoist structures,[166] second only to the then Minister of Justice, conde Rodezno.[167] Unlike in Castellón, his relations with FET were good,[168] even though he resumed his strategy of favoring Traditionalist sympathizers.[169] Another preference visible in his personal policy was nominating individuals related to local business oligarchy; never again in the Valencian history would it have such a firm grip on local government.[170] As mayor Cárcer focused on reconstruction and urban re-organization. The former was mostly related to the maritime quarter, heavily bombed during the war,[171] and to restoration of pre-Republican monuments and facilities, especially the Catholic ones.[172] The latter was about expansion towards the sea and Dehesa del Saler, pushing the railroad rings suffocating the city traffic into the underground tunnels[173] and turning Avenida del Oeste into a modern city axis,[174] together with setting a number of similar, major streets. He tried to address massive housing shortages by launching cheap community houses project[175] and to deal with dramatically underdeveloped education infrastructure.[176] Minor but lasting projects were construction of a new bus terminal, building food markets, especially the central Mercado de abastos,[177] and re-claiming heritage sites.[178] He also defended usage of valenciano against espanolismo of the civil governor.[179] In terms of urban planning the Cárcer term is criticized as improvisation, especially that the first long-term plan was approved after he had left.[180] Setting new straight major throughways was already in the 1940s lambasted as childish and anti-social, as it led to destruction of historical boroughs and demolition of existing houses with no replacement provided.[181] Management of municipal finances, considered totally chaotic, attracts even heavier criticism. Though during the 1940 audience with Franco Cárcer ensured hefty credit line,[182] his concept of enhancing city income relied mostly on "politica annexionista".[183] For some time the city used the 1935 budget for its planning, the result having been a major deficit.[184] Manglano’s mayorship is subject to general onslaught as the period of massive real estate speculation, by some scholars considered key feature of his rule.[185] With loose building regulations disguised as "favoring labor",[186] Valencia became a Mecca of construction companies[187] and petrified domination of local economic tycoons. Though in the 1980s a local daily hailed him as great mayor,[188] in both scholarly works[189] and radical Left-wing propaganda[190] Manglano is lambasted as incompetent and chaotic administrator and representative of local Fascist oligarchy.[191] It is not clear whether this opinion was shared by his contemporaries. It is also unknown whether the Falangist – Carlist rivalry[192] or any other politics was in play when he ceased as mayor in 1943. Mid-Francoism: sindicalista and dignitary (1943-1967)Though as mayor of a provincial capital Cárcer was entitled to enter the 1943-created Francoist diet, Cortes Españoles, once he stepped down as alcalde he lost also the parliamentary ticket; his term lasted merely 2 months.[193] It is not clear whether he was sidetracked or withdrew from major politics; as in 1944 he was received by Franco it does not seem that he found himself in disfavor,[194] though since the mid-1940s he held no major posts in the party, state structures or local Valencian administration.[195] Cárcer key system roles were those related to a peculiar realm of the Francoist labor organization, supposed to unite workers and proprietors. He was jefe of Hermandad Sindical Provincial de Labradores y Ganaderos de Valencia[196] and member of Comité Sindical de la Seda within Comisión de Incorporación Industrial y Mercantil.[197] Active in Juntas Nacionales de los Grupos de Producción y de Industriales y Elaboradores de Arroz within Sindicato de Cereales,[198] later he grew to directivo of Sindicatos Agrarios of Movimiento;[199] it is not clear when he ceased. On the business side, he entered executive boards of Luso Española de Porcelanas,[200] Banco de España, Naviliera Industrial Española and Compania Valenciana de Cementos Portland.[201] Manglano went on also with his orange and rice businesses, anxious that the Francoist policy of nearing the Axis might damage fruit exports to Britain.[202] At the turn of the decades Cárcer’s star was on the rise again. In 1949 he got aristocratic titles, inherited from his late father though not formally acknowledged since 1937, recognized by Franco; in 1950 the dictator conferred upon him Grandeza de España, the honor received with the likes of José Moscardó, José Calvo Sotelo, Emilio Mola Vidal and José Antonio Primo de Rivera.[203] In 1952 admitted again by Franco,[204] the same year Manglano was appointed to the 6. Consejo Nacional of the Movimiento, which in turn guaranteed – following the pause of 9 years – a seat in the Cortes.[205] Franco kept appointing Cárcer to 5 consecutive Falangist councils, which translated into prolongation of Cortes mandates in 1955,[206] 1958,[207] 1961[208] and 1964.[209] Throughout the 1950s and 1960s Cárcer did not play any role in national politics; Consejo Nacional and Cortes Españolas were largely decorative bodies which ensured prestige and connections, but not political power. He is noted as member of many committees and groups,[210] taking part in a number of parliamentary debates of moderate importance, e.g. those shaping the rural fiscal regime[211] or regulating women’s access to juridical jobs;[212] only some, like nationalizing of Banca de España, the move he fruitlessly opposed,[213] carried a lot of weight. None of these interventions compares to his hectic activity during the 1967 discussion related to law on religious liberty. Cárcer emerged as one of the most outspoken and vehement opponents of the draft and was a number of times noted as trying to block the legislation.[214] Late Francoism and Second Restoration: retiree (after 1967)In 1967 Cárcer was not appointed to Consejo Nacional; it is not clear whether his religious zeal carried him too far away or whether himself he decided to test his popularity in the newly opened pool of Cortes mandates, up for grabs in semi-free elections from the so-called tercio familiar.[215] He stood in his native Valencia[216] but lost and had to renounce the mandate.[217] His last and his first days in the Spanish diet are spanned by 48 years, rendering Cárcer one of the national record-holders in terms of duration of parliamentary career.[218] Cárcer retained anti-Falangist, Traditionalist identity, which was not incompatible with an "extreme addiction to the regime".[219] On the other hand, his stand was irreconcilable with intransigent opposition originally mounted by the Carlist leader, Manuel Fal. Cárcer sided rather with his rival, conde Rodezno, leader of the breakaway faction pursuing a collaborationist path.[220] In the mid-1940s he neared the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan, by the Rodeznistas considered a would-be candidate to the throne also according to the Carlist reading.[221] In the 1950s he definitely broke with the regent Don Javier and declared Don Juan the legitimate heir;[222] Cárcer entered his Consejo Privado and was nominated royal representative in Region Valenciana.[223] Though since the early post-war years Cárcer had nothing to do with mainstream Carlism, he kept considering himself a Carlist. When received by Franco in 1970, together with other collaborationists he claimed to have represented "antiguo Comunión Tradicionalista".[224] At that time Carlism was being taken over by a progressist, socialist faction of Don Javier’s son, Don Carlos Hugo. Together with a number of other Traditionalists Cárcer attempted to mount a counter-strike; in an open 1974 letter to Carlist leaders expulsed by the Hugocarlistas, Zamanillo and Valiente, he advocated merging all traditionally-minded Carlist factions - Hermandad del Maestrazgo, Centro Zumalacarregui, Regencia de Estella, Circulos Vazquez de Mella – into a new Comunión, which would "form part of Movimiento Nacional and serve Catholic faith and Spain" under the orders of Franco and the future king, Juan Carlos.[225] After the death of Franco and during dismantling of his regime Cárcer withdrew from politics and public life, as octogenarian hardly active in aristocratic Catholic organizations like Real Hermandad del Santo Calíz de Valencia, the congregation he presided. None of the nationwide newspapers acknowledged his death in an editorial, except for paid obituaries.[226] He gained no monograph and in scholarly discourse is extensively featured only in a single work on early Francoism in Valencia.[227] In public debate his name is referred to during efforts to rename Avenida Barón de Cárcer, the name Avenida del Oeste was given in the 1940s. Though some claim that the name honors ancient holders of the title,[228] militant democratic groupings demand that the street is purged according to the Ley de Memoria Historica regulations.[229] From some viewpoints – present also in scholarly works – his name is noted when denouncing the current Spanish system as merely a "formal democracy",[230] in fact continuation of the Fascist Francoist setting.[231] See also
Footnotes1. ^ABC 03.03.85, available here and here 2. ^Fernando de Alos y Merry del Val, Eduardo Garcia-Menacho y Osset, Los Manglano, [in:] Anales de la Real Academia Matritense de Heraldica y Genealogia 9 (2006), p. 8 3. ^Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, pp. 8-9 4. ^Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, p. 13 5. ^Joaquín’s great-great-great-grandfather became the 8. Baron of Alcahalí y Mosquera, while Joaquín’s great-great-grandfather rose to the 14. Baron of Lllaurí 6. ^he changed his name to Vich 7. ^Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, p. 14 8. ^by means of marriage to Julia Palencia y Roca, 1. Baroness of Beniomer, Revista de Historia y de Genealogia Española 14 (1929), available here 9. ^see the official Cortes service, available here 10. ^e.g. Mayordomo de Semana de S.M and caballero Gran Cruz de Isabel la Catolica, Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, p. 14 11. ^he rose to president of Real Hermandad del Santo Calíz 12. ^Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, p. 19 13. ^she was the only child of Joaquin Manuel Bellvis (before Joaquin Cucaló y Montull y Ruiz de Alarcon) 14. ^baronesa de Terrateig and marquesa de Cea; she transferred the titles not to Joaquín but to his two younger brothers, see ABC 18.06.36, available here 15. ^named Joaquín, Luisa, Blanca, María de la Asuncion, María del Carmen, Julia, Jesús and Fernando 16. ^see Asociación Antiguos Alumnos Jesuitas website, catalogue of names available here 17. ^Andreu Ginés i Sànchez, La instauració del franquisme al País Valencià [PhD thesis Barcelona Universitat Pompeu Fabra], Barcelona 2008, p. 473 18. ^Manglano Cucaló de Montull, Joaquín entry. [in:] Javier Paniagua, José A. Piqueras (eds.), Diccionario biográfico de políticos valencianos: 1810-2006, Valencia 2008, {{ISBN|9788495484802}}, p. 335 19. ^Valencia 1914, compare worldcat service, available here 20. ^in 1915 intended to be a teacher of geography and/or history in Instituto de Cartagena, see Gaceta de Instrucción 10.11.15, available here 21. ^La Correspondencia de España 22.10.16, available here; according to some sources he practiced as a lawyer, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 473 22. ^Manglano is often referred to as „rich proprietor”, „grand landowner” etc, though none of the sources consulted provided even general information on size of his landholdings, compare Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 472 (“ric isendat agrícola valencià”), Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 335 (“gran propietario”), Francisco Pérez Puche, 50 alcaldes. El ayuntamiento de Valencia en el siglo XX, Valencia 1979, {{ISBN|8471991209}}, p. 145 23. ^he wrote historical books related to his ancestor, Jerónimo de Vich: embajador de Fernando el Católico, en Roma (1944), La embajada de España en Roma en los comienzos del reinado de Carlos V, 1516-1519 (1958), Política en Italia del Rey Católico, 1507-1516 (1963), Correspondencia inédita con el embajador Vich (1963) and other minor pieces, compare worldcat service, available here 24. ^ABC 25.02.99, available here 25. ^daughter of Vicente Baldoví de Beltran and María de Miquel y Irizar, Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, p. 31 26. ^El esplendor de la familia Baldoví, [in:] Levante-EMV 16.10.10, available here 27. ^Enrique Boix, Los Gorets, cinco generaciones de arroceros, [in:] Libro Familiar blog 22.04.15, available here 28. ^Casa del barón de Cárcer entry [in:] jdiezarnal service, available here 29. ^Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, pp. 31-33 30. ^Gonzalo Manglano y Baldovi was a pilot and writer, Vicente was a doctor 31. ^the best known was probably Joaquín Manglano Baldoví, see Muere Joaquín Manglano, barón de Llaurí, [in:] Levante-EMV 01.11.11, available here 32. ^Jesús Manglano y Cucalo de Montull, XIX Barón de Terrateig entry, [in:] The Peerage service, available here 33. ^La Epoca 22.10.16, available here 34. ^ABC 12.02.49, available here 35. ^Baron de Alcali y de San Juan de Mosquera, [in:] sjnobiliaria service, available here 36. ^see ABC 12.02.80, available here 37. ^Antonio Caridad Salvador, El carlismo en el País Valenciano y Teruel (1833-1840) [PhD thesis Universidad de Valencia], Valencia 2010, esp. cuadro 60 38. ^La Mañana 15.06.11, available here 39. ^like Algemesi, Alcoy and Burriana 40. ^José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español, [PhD thesis UNED] Madrid 2012, p. 77 41. ^Orella Martínez 2012, p. 99 42. ^El Siglo Futuro 11.04.18, available here 43. ^the Right in Castellon-Valencia was profoundly divided into datistas (led by Ramón Salvador), idoneosdatistas (Tiburcio Martín), ciervistes (Luis Fabra), mauristas, paquistas and jaimistas, José Luis Giménez Julià, El maurisme i la dreta conservadora a la Plana, 1907-1931 [PhD thesis Universitat Jaume I], Villareal 2015. p 262 44. ^see the official Cortes service, available here 45. ^he defeated a governmental candidate, also a Conservative but from the so-called concentration government; the clash led to division among local mauristas, Giménez Julià 2015, p. 259 46. ^La Correspondencia de Valencia 23.02.17, available here 47. ^Giménez Julià 2015, p. 262 48. ^Diario de Valencia 19.02.18, available here 49. ^ABC 25.02.18, available here 50. ^Giménez Julià 2015, p. 263 51. ^see e.g. La Epoca 16.12.18, available here 52. ^Giménez Julià 2015, p. 266 53. ^which declared victorious every candidate which faced no counter-candidate, see the official Cortes service, available here 54. ^La Epoca 27.01.20, available here 55. ^Correo de la Mañana 28.01.20, available here 56. ^La Voz 19.01.20, available here 57. ^Giménez Julià 2015, p. 271 58. ^ABC 19.10.20, available here 59. ^La Voz 25.10.20, available here 60. ^Giménez Julià 2015, p. 271 61. ^ABC 04.01.24, available here 62. ^Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 182 63. ^La correspondencia de Valencia 11.11.21, available here 64. ^El Pueblo 12.11.21, available here 65. ^Las Provincias 13.07.26, available here 66. ^Diario de Alicante 22.07.26, available here 67. ^El Pueblo 29.03.27, available here 68. ^El Pueblo 25.10.28, available here 69. ^Las Provincias 29.11.29, available here 70. ^El Pueblo 25.10.28, available here 71. ^La Vanguardia 04.01.27, available here 72. ^La Vanguardia 19.10.28, available here 73. ^Enrique Lull Martí, Jesuitas y pedagogía: el Colegio San José en la Valencia de los años veinte, Madrid 1997, {{ISBN|9788489708167}}, p. 569 74. ^Las Provincias 05.11.26, available here 75. ^Oro de Ley 15.01.26, available here 76. ^La correspondencia de Valencia 07.07.28, available here 77. ^La Vanguardia 26.01.27, available here 78. ^El Pueblo 14.01.27, available here 79. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 143, 473 80. ^Las Provincias 06.02.29, available here 81. ^he formed part of the Centro Escolar y Mercantil authorities, Oro de Ley 30.05.26, available here 82. ^he was dealing with Fallas de Valencia, Las Provincias 10.03.29, available here 83. ^e.g. delegated to ayuntamiento of Meliana, La correspondencia de Valencia 06.07.28, available here 84. ^La correspondencia de Valencia 29.08.28, available here 85. ^Las Provincias 06.02.29, available here 86. ^La Vanguardia 09.03.30, available here 87. ^Las Provincias 13.02.31, available here 88. ^in May 1931 he was already received by a new civil governor, La correspondencia de Valencia 08.05.31, available hhere 89. ^Las Provincias 19.06.31, available here 90. ^Las Provincias 19.06.31, available here 91. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 182 92. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 230 93. ^La correspondencia de Valencia 23.09.31, available here 94. ^Las Provincias 18.02.32, available here 95. ^El Siglo Futuro 11.04.13, available here 96. ^Giménez Julià 2015, p. 262 97. ^La Epoca 16.12.18, available here 98. ^Oro de Ley 13.05.17, available here 99. ^paternal grandfather of his mother, José María Cucaló y Gozalvo, was member of Junta Superior Gubernativa during the First Carlist War, got his landholdings expropriated and spent the rest of his life on exile in France, Antonio Caridad Salvador, Cabrera y compañía. Los jefes del carlismo en el frente del Maestrazgo (1833-1840), Zaragoza 2014, {{ISBN|9788499112947}}, pp. 559-560, genealogy in José María Cucaló de Montull Gozalbo entry at Geneanet service, available here 100. ^Caridad Salvador 2010, cuadro 60; in the town of Sueca the family animanted the local Carlist centre, see El esplendor de la familia Baldoví, [in:] Levante-EMV 16.10.10, available here 101. ^in May 1932 he was present at opening of Circulo Central tradicionalista in Valencia, Las Provincias 03.05.32, available here 102. ^Las Provincias 08.05.32, available here 103. ^El Pueblo 14.08.32, available here 104. ^El defensor de Córdoba 15.08.32, available here 105. ^Diario de Córdoba 09.10.32, available here 106. ^Heraldo de Madrid 11.10.32, available here, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, {{ISBN|9780521207294}}, p. 92 107. ^La Libertad 22.09.32, available here 108. ^Federico Martínez Roda, Valencia y las Valencias: su historia contemporánea (1800-1975), Valencia 2013, {{ISBN|9788486792893}}, p. 226 109. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 182 110. ^El Día 19.07.32, available here 111. ^Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 107-108 112. ^following – according to the security - “reunión clandestina de elementos extremistas”, Heraldo de Madrid 24.07.33, available here, on his release see a week later see La correspondencia de Valencia 29.07.33, available 113. ^see the official Cortes service, available here 114. ^Guia Oficial de España 1935, p. 123, available here 115. ^El Siglo Futuro 21.10.35, available here 116. ^La Independencia 21.03.35, available here 117. ^Las Provincias 19.12.34, available here, also La Independencia 22.03.34, available here 118. ^La Independencia 29.03.35, available here 119. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 225 120. ^El Día 20.03.34, available here 121. ^La Gaceta de Tenerife 08.12.34, available here 122. ^La Gaceta de Tenerife 23.05.35, available here 123. ^Manglano blamed the Republican government for reduced credibility of Spain, leading to dwarfed exports of oranges, El Siglo Futuro 27.03.34, available here 124. ^La Vanguardia 31.05.34, available here 125. ^El Siglo Futuro 12.09.34, available here 126. ^El Siglo Futuro 12.09.34, available here 127. ^Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, {{ISBN|9788478260805}}, p. 162 128. ^Diario de Alicante 22.05.34, available here 129. ^La Libertad 14.03.35, available here 130. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 472 131. ^El Día 15.02.36, available here 132. ^La Epoca 24.06.36, available here 133. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 471 134. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 471-2 135. ^during mid-September search in his Madrid residence at calle de Serrano 26 there were, according to public notice released, “valuable pieces seized”, La Voz 18.09.36, available here 136. ^Alos, Garcia-Menacho 2006, pp. 20-30, ABC 14.10.37, available here 137. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 260 138. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 105, 107-8 139. ^referred to either as Delegacion Tradicionalista de Valencia or as Junta Carlista de Guerra de Reino de Valencia 140. ^there were 32 issues published, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 108 141. ^Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, {{ISBN|9788487863523}}, p. 256 142. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 55 143. ^many beourgeoisie Valencians on exile in San Sebastián or Irún supported the Nationalist army financially; though Manglano was personally involved in the process, personally he is not recorded as donating himself, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 111 144. ^on internal Carlist meetings he claimed that "ir contra Franco, es ir contra España” Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 256 145. ^planned by Martínez de Berasaín, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 257 146. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 116 147. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 78 148. ^e.g. an Alavese paper acknowledged him in October 1937 as jefe de FET in Reino de Valencia, Pensamiento Alaves 07.10.37, available here 149. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 321 150. ^the three in question were civil governor of the province, mayor of the provincial capital and provincial FET jefe, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 141 151. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 230 152. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 231 153. ^it is noted, for instance, that during public feasts only the Carlist requetés formed personal guard of Orgaz, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 231 154. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 272 155. ^Cárcer complained to Nationalist headquarters about the local Falangists that “la mayoría de los elementos que figuranen la organización y en la dirección de FET Valenciana son francamente izquierdistas, muchos de ellos no han ido jamás a la Iglesia”, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 118 156. ^in September 1938, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 129. The Falangists complained about his report, which “contiene denuncias contra Giménez Buesa, contra la Bandera y sus Oficiales, contra los Mandos Provinciales de Valencia que, según él escamote aban suo bligación de serviren filas y aconsejando la disolución de la Bandera e incorporación de suselementos a otras Unidades” 157. ^e.g. a pre-war provincial carlist jefe, Carmel Paulo i Bondia, was made alcalde of Onteniente, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 379 158. ^according to September 1939 document of Delegación Nacional de Información e Investigación de F.E.T. y de las J.O.N.S., released after he had already ceased as provincial jefe, “En Castellón de la Plana, a su liberación, por cuestiones de índole privada fue encargado de la Jefatura Provincial del Movimiento el camarada Barón de Cárcer, el cual autorizó plenamente una propaganda auténtica del requeté, según fotografías documentales sacadas en los primeros días de la liberación de dicha capital, por los Agentes de esta Delegación Nacional. La actuación de dicho señor fue no solamente negativa, sino desastrosa para la Organización de dicha provincia. Respecto a la cuestión administrativa entre otras cosa fáciles de demostrar se refleja palpablemente la factura de mas de 50.000 Ptas. que dicho señor formalizó con una casa productora de insignias del requeté y de boinas rojas, que entonces no eran obligatorias de usaren la Organización”, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 230 159. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 88. However, he was also noted dissolving the Carlsit academic organization AET and merging it into a newly created official one, SEU, personally looking to it, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 89 160. ^“Puede observarse como denominador común de todas las inspecciones, la [ne]cesidad de una renovación del 90% de los Municipios de la provincia, que son opuestos al Partido, ya que en su origen, fuero designados por un gr[u]po de caciques — entre los cuales estaba el primer Jefe Provincial, Barón de Cárcer — y aun siguen prestando obediencia a sus protectores, a ciencia y paciencia de nuestra primera autoridad provincial, lo que dificulta extrao[r]dinariamente la renovación de estas Comisiones Gestoras”, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 379 161. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 581 162. ^“con el fin de resolver distintos asuntos de orden interior de la Organización”, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 232 163. ^there was no mention of Manglano leaving Castellón post in local newspapers, his successor used very ambiguous language when delivering public speech taking office, and Manglano did not take part in that ceremony, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 232 164. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 234 165. ^Manglano replaced the first Nationalist alcalde Francesc Londres, who was served just few days, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 471-473 166. ^his standing gave him right to discuss also issues not related to the city but affecting the entire region, e.g. in Madrid he lobbied for his case related to the town of Alcoi in the Alicante province, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 145 167. ^the only other major city with a Carlist mayor was Bilbao, governed by José María Oriol 168. ^also unlike in Castellon, in the province of Valencia the city ayuntamiento eclipsed provincial authorities and ensured strong Traditinalist position within the diputación, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 700-701 169. ^especially Joan Colomina i Barbera, Francesc Londres i Alfonso and Desideri Criado i Cervera, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, 143 170. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 145 171. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 155 172. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 155 173. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 156 174. ^for detailed discussion of the street history (Manglano not mentioned) see David Sánchez Muñoz, La Avenide del Oeste de Valencia. Historia de un proyecto inacabado, [in:] Ars Longa 22 (2013), pp. 229-244 175. ^in 1940 Valencia was 455,000 people, compared to 316,000 in 1930, but the number of flats grew from 25,000 to 28,500 only; the ayuntamiento calculated there are 15,000 new flats to be constructed 176. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 159 177. ^E. Viñas, Así fue el día de la inauguración del Mercado de Abastos, [in:] cultur plaza service 04.03.15, available here 178. ^he is credited for launching the process of the city taking over Palacio de Dos Aguas, La recuperación del Palacio de Dos Aguas como sede del Museo Nacional de Cerámica, [in:] La Gaceta de Folchi. El boletin del Museo Nacional de Ceramica 21 (2014), p. 7 179. ^Josep Miralles Climent, Estudiantes y obreros carlistas durante la dictadura franquista. La AET, el MOT y la FOS, Madrid 2007, {{ISBN|9788495735331}}, p. 53 180. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 156 181. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 160 182. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 141, 159. The 14m ptas credit was intended for construction of the new bus terminal and Mercado de Abastos, plus works at Avenida del Oeste, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 159 183. ^not clear whather this is supposed to denote attempts to take over private property or to expand the city limits to neighboring areas 184. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 153 185. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 320, 471 186. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 158 187. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, pp. 159-160 188. ^“El baró de Cárcer recomposa el tresor artístic, obre esglésies, intenta normalitzar la fiscalitat municipal ité especial cura de retornar el pla de construcció al tan mal mès districte marítim. Qua nabandona l’alcaldia, deixa realitzacions tan assenyalades com la posada en marxade l’avinguda de l’Oest (més tarda nomenadaen el seu honor, del Baró de Càrcer), reforma i condicionament de la catedral, concessió de neteja urbana a FOC, obertura de l’avinguda Ramón i Cajal, i en ceta, el 1940 la construcció del nou palau Arquebisbal”, Las Provincias 27.02.85, quoted after Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 490 189. ^Francisco Pérez Puche, 50 alcaldes: el ayuntamiento de Valencia en el siglo XX, Valencia 1979, {{ISBN|8471991209}}, p. 146 190. ^Enric Llopis, Atado y bien atado, [in:] Rebellión service 10.02.02. available here 191. ^“oligarquía fascista que ocupa el poder”, Acerca del problema de las nacionalidades en España, [in:] Cuadernos Marxista-Leninistas 1 (1969), p. 7, available here 192. ^when alcalde of Valencia Manglano, though favoring Carlists against the Falangists, ensured to stay firmly within the Francoist setting, compare his propaganda writings: “‘La Valencia Roja’, ‘el gobierno republicano de Valencia’, estas y otras frases parecidas nos han estado atormentando durante estos años de guerra por la grandeza e independencia de España, y era cierto que Valencia, nuestra amada Valencia, gemía sometida a la tiranía roja. Lo que no era ciertoes que Valencia fueseroja. […] No digamos que Valencia fue roja; digamos que fue desgraciada y que fue la primera víctima. Compadezcámosla, pues sin culpa suya ha pagado muy caro pecados ajenos”, quoted after Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 28 193. ^see the official Cortes service, available here 194. ^La Vanguardia 13.02.44, available here 195. ^Manglano is not a single time noted as exerting any influence in Valencian politics since the mid-1950s, see Juan Carlos Colomer Rubio, Gobernar la ciudad. Alcaldes y poder local en Valencia (1958-1979) [PhD thesis Universitat de Valencia], Valencia 2014 196. ^though he was not jefe of Sindicato de Frutas y productos Horticolas, La Vanguardia 08.07.45, available here 197. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 486 198. ^La Vanguardia 20.09.55, available here 199. ^Paniagua, Piqueras 2008, p. 335, also Comisión Municipal de Memoria Histórica. Ayuntamiento de Quart de Poblet, Ley de Memoria Histórica. Anexo Biografico, slide 8, available here 200. ^Hoja Oficial de Lunes 20.02.61, available here 201. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 145 202. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 472 203. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 142 204. ^La Vanguardia 03.04.52, available here 205. ^see his 1952 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here 206. ^see his 1955 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here 207. ^see his 1958 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here 208. ^see his 1961 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here 209. ^see his 1964 mandate at the official Cortes service, available here 210. ^e.g. as member of Union Internacional Interparlamenaria he travelled to Tokio in 1960, see La Vanguardia 10.09.60, available here 211. ^La Vanguardia 17.12.57, available here 212. ^La Vanguardia 24.02.66, available here 213. ^La Vanguardia 13.04.62, available here 214. ^ABC 02.05.67, available here; he argued that 30m Catholics are made to compromise with 30k non-Catholics and was one of 5 procuradores (along Zamanillo, Blas Piñar, Fagoaga and Bárcenas) voting against the draft, Mónica Moreno Seco, El miedo a la libertad religiosa. Autoridades franquistas, católicos y protestantes ante la Ley de 28 de junio de 1967, [in:] Anales de Historia Contemporanea 17 (2001), pp. 357-8 215. ^for detailed discussion of tercio familiar (no mention of Manglano) see Pedro Cobo Pulido, Representación familiar en la época de Franco (1945-1974). Un caso en la evolución de un régimen autoritario [PhD thesis Universidad de Malaga], Malaga 2000, and (related mostly to Navarre) Francisco Miranda Rubio, Los procuradores de representación familiar en la novena legislatura franquista (1967-1971), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 203 (1994), pp. 615-639 216. ^ABC 21.09.67, here 217. ^in the work discussing Carlist candidates running from tercio familiar Manglano is not listed at all, which suggests that he was not endorsed by official Carlist executive and ran on his own, see the chapter Las candidaturas carlistas en las elecciones a procuradores a Cortes de 1967 [in:] Ramón María Rodon Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, pp. 370-390 218. ^Praxedes Sagasta served between 1854 and 1903, Esteban Bilbao between 1916 and 1965 219. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 472 220. ^Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 55 221. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 182 222. ^España Libre 19.10.58, available here 223. ^José Apezarena, Todos los hombres del Rey, Madrid 1997, {{ISBN|9788415599753}} 224. ^ABC 29.01.70, available here 225. ^La Vanguardia 29.12.74, available here 226. ^ABC 03.03.86, available here 227. ^Manglano is 81 times noted in Ginés i Sànchez 2008 228. ^Avenida Barón de Cárcer [in:] Love Valencia service, available here 229. ^Ignacio Zafira, Otro juzgado de Valencia pregunta al Senado si Rita Barberá es aforada, [in:] El País 08.03.16, available here 230. ^“Aquesta es doncs una historia d’especulacio, de corrupcio i de repression. I sobretot d’uncs persones amb noms i cognoms que se’n beneficiaren. Despres de quaranta anys de dictadura i trenta de democracia formal, molts d’aquests noms continuen hui entre l’alta societat i vinculats a la politica valenciana”, Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 320 231. ^see sarcastic references to the notorious farewell Franco’s statement that everything is “atado y bien atado”, tied up and tied up well, Enric Llopis, Atado y bien atado, [in:] Rebellión service 10.02.02. available here, also El declive de la dictadura, [in:] La nueva sociedad civil valenciana, Valencia 2007, p. 20 Further reading
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