| 词条 | Kapsan Faction Incident |
| 释义 |
| total_width = 440 | image1 = Kim Il-sung in 1950.jpg | image2 = Pak Kum-chol.JPG | footer = Kim Il-sung and his would be successor {{ill|Pak Kum-chol|ko|박금철}} }}{{Infobox Korean name | title =Kapsan Faction | hangul =갑산파 | hanja =甲山派 | rr =gapsan pa | mr =kapsan p'a | koreanipa = | context = | image = | caption = }} The Kapsan Faction Incident was an unsuccessful an attempt to undermine the power of Kim Il-sung, the leader of North Korea, around the year 1967. The "Kapsan faction" was a group of veterans of the anti-Japanese struggle of the 1930s and 1940s that was initially close to Kim Il-sung. In the wake of the 2nd Conference of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) in 1966, the faction sought to introduce economic reforms, challenge Kim Il-sung's cult of personality, and appoint its ringleader {{ill|Pak Kum-chol|ko|박금철}} as his successor. Kim Il-sung cracked down on the faction in a series of speeches made at party meetings. He called for a "monolithic ideological system" that centered on his personality and rallied party members against the Kapsan faction. By April 1967, the factionalists had disappeared from public. They were expelled from the party and either sent to the countryside or in prison. Kim Il-sung had his brother and heir apparent at that time, Kim Yong-ju, pen the Ten Principles for the Establishment of a Monolithic Ideological System. This new set of policies made Kim Il-sung's rule unchallengeable and expanded his cult of personality to cover other members of the Kim family. His son, Kim Jong-il, took part in these purges and took over the party's Propaganda and Agitation Department (PAD) in what was the first political task delegated to him by his father. BackgroundThe Kapsan Faction Incident takes its name from the region of Kapsan in the old South Hamgyong Province (present day Ryanggang Province),[1] home to an underground liberation organization during the anti-Japanese struggle called the Kapsan Operation Committee.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=37}} Members of this group had fought alongside Kim Il-sung against the Japanese and were thus part of Kim's Guerrilla faction of the Workers' Party of North Korea following the liberation of Korea.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=37}} The origins of the group are so tied up with Kim Il-sung's activities that sometimes the entire Guerrilla faction is called the "Kapsan" faction.[2] Gradually, the faction became seen as distinct from the rest of the Guerrilla faction due to political differences.{{Sfn|Lim|2015|p=47}} Kim had ousted other factions of the party in a series of purges in the 1950s, but the Kapsan faction remained.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=37}} In the aftermath of the 2nd Conference of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) in 1966, the Kapsan faction started setting forth its grievances.[3] The faction put forward economic policies that disagreed with Kim Il-sung's economic model.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=38}} They were particularly opposed to Kim's Byungjin (dual-track) line of simultaneously developing the economy and the army.[3] They favored light industry over heavy industry in order to funnel funds away from the military and improve people's standard of living. They wanted the ruling WPK to relegate its role in economic planning to experts in economics, science, and engineering.{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=26}} They also favored an economic theory of value and advocated the adoption of a semi-currency in order to give material incentives to workers.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} The main issue, however, was the question of who could succeed Kim Il-sung as the leader of North Korea.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=38}} Kim had promoted his younger brother Kim Yong-ju as a likely successor,{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=26}} but the man lacked credentials. In particular, he had not taken part in the fight against the Japanese like the guerrilla and Kapsan faction members had.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=38}} He was criticized for this by the leader of the Kapsan faction, {{ill|Pak Kum-chol|ko|박금철}},{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=38}}{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=26}} who had risen in rank to become the vice premier of the state and the fourth-highest ranking member of the party.{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=26}}{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} Pak was annoyed by the ballooning cult of personality of Kim Il-sung and how it neglected the experiences of people like him who had sacrificed a lot to the country during the liberation.[3] Pak gathered many influential supporters, including {{ill|Yi Hyo-sun|ko|리효순}}, Kim To-man, {{ill|Pak Yong-guk|zh|朴容國}}, {{ill|Ho Sok-son|zh|許錫宣}}, Ko Hyok, Ha Ang-chon,{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} and {{ill|Lim Chun-chu|ko|임춘추}}.{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=84}} The Kapsan faction sought to name Pak the successor of Kim Il-sung.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} As an initial move, they helped Kim Il-sung purge Kim Chang-nam, a prominent political theorist, but only to make room for Pak.{{Sfn|Myers|2015|p=95}} The faction members started exalting Pak's words as "teachings" equal to those of Kim Il-sung.[3]{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} One of the faction members, Kim To-man, who was the Director of the Propaganda and Agitation Department (PAD) of the party, produced work called An Act of Sincerity{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} – described variously as either a film or a stage play{{Sfn|Myers|2015|p=95n52}} – that honored the feats of Pak and his wife as members of the Kapsan Operation Committee. Kim To-man also had Pak's birthplace rebuilt.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} An unauthorized biography on Pak was apparently made while dissemination of propaganda materials on Kim Il-sung was neglected.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} These actions were perceived of as ultimate acts of disloyalty toward Kim Il-sung.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} Pak was soon condemned by Choe Yong-gon, chairman of the Standing Committee of the Supreme People's Assembly (SPA), of proliferating "feudal, Confucian ideas".{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=84}} Pak was accused of not supporting the party's military line;[7] he openly ridiculed Kim Il-sung's slogan "one against a hundred" by concluding that a literal interpretation of it could not be true. Production plans that were his responsibility, it was said, were not met. Pak was accused of promoting the old Kapsan Operation Committee members into important posts.{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=84}} Pak's ally Yi Hyo-sun was charged of personally failing covert operations in South Korea.[4] Yi's subordinate Lim Chun-chu was said to have neglected South Korean operations in order to concentrate on publishing a novel.{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=84}} The factionalists were also said to be "revisionists" and having forced people to read "feudalist" literature from the time of the Joseon dynasty.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} These actions, without the approval of Kim Il-sung, was seen as serious acts of undermining his cult of personality and authority.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} On top of that, the faction was seen as pro-Chinese contrary to the pro-Moscow line of Kim.{{Sfn|Myers|2015|p=95}} IncidentKim Il-sung perceived the Kapsan faction's ideas and actions as existential threats to his rule and the state. In March 1967, Kim warned the Kapsan faction members in a speech entitled "On Improving Party Work and Implementing the Decisions of the Party Conference" and accused them of practicing "individual heroism". Kim's solution to the problem was a "monolithic ideological system" that rallied the party around him.[3] Kim warned other party officials not to side with the factionalists. The faction members ignored his warnings and held their course.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} Kim acquired permission from his loyal party members in a secret meeting to remove the Kapsan faction.{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=27}} A wide purge of both real and presumed members ensued.{{Sfn|Myers|2015|p=97}} At the fifteenth plenum of the fourth Central Committee of the WPK, on 4–8 April,{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=83}} Kim had the faction members formally expelled from the party and they disappeared from public. Pak Kum-chol was sent to work in a factory in the countryside.[3] Others were charged with crimes and sent to prison camps.[3]{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} On 25 May, Kim held a speech to party ideological apparatchiks entitled "On the Immediate Tasks in the Direction of the Party's Propaganda Work". The speech, possibly the most important one he ever gave,[5] became known as the "May 25 Teaching" and would become a political tool for Kim's supporters to expose factional elements in the party.{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=27}}{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} So profound was its impact that Song Hye-rang, Kim Jong-il's sister-in-law, characterized 25 May as "the day everything changed" in North Korea.{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=85}} Researcher Fyodor Tertitskiy compares it to the importance of 18 December 1865 (abolition of slavery) to American, 24 March 1933 (the Enabling Act) to German, or 20 February 1956 (Nikita Khrushchev's "Secret Speech") to Soviet history.{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=82}} Despite the importance of the speech, it has never been made public, access being limited to WPK members. Even its name was omitted in propaganda until recently. According to Tertitskiy, its contents can be accurately inferred from the following extract of a 2008 official biography of Kim:[5] {{Quotation|In the speech given on May 25th of the 56th year of Juche era (1967), the Great Leader said that the ideological poison of the bourgeois and revisionist elements are bourgeois ideology, revisionist ideology, ideology of flunkeyism, and the feudal Confucian ideas of Confucius and Mencius and showed that these ideas are the root of their core ideology. This ideological venom was left unattended for several years and thus the struggle to cleanse it off will also take a long time and must be conducted steadily and vigorously. The Leader taught that in this struggle we should be cautious about administrative methods and thoroughly accomplish the merging of the ideological education and of the ideological struggle.The Great Leader divided the followers of the bourgeois and revisionist elements into several categories and set up the guideline that that since we had failed to properly establish monolithic ideological system of the Party and the revolutionary worldview, those who had thought that everything had commanded by the leadership was right and had been blindly following [the factionalists] must be thoroughly educated and those who were wavering ideologically and had been dancing to their fiddle should be reformed through ideological struggle. The Great Leader instructed all the cadres and the Party members to learn well about the nature and the harmful consequences of the bourgeois and revisionist elements’ criminal activity and their cunning tricks, and to fully understand the necessity, nature, assignments and methods of implementation of the monolithic ideological system of the Party.}} Kim Jong-il took part in investigating the faction. The task was delegated to him by Kim Il-sung. Kim Jong-il was only 26 at the time and it was the first official duty given to him by his father.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} He gave a speech at the plenum – his first as a figure of authority – and possibly one on 25 May – entitled "Let Us Firmly Establish the Monolithic Ideological System of the Party among the Officials Dealing with Foreign Affairs" – that closely echoed his father's May 25 Teaching. Kim Jong-il's name was mentioned in public documents, possibly for the first time, indicating that he was already on his way to being the heir-apparent to Kim Il-sung.{{sfn|Tertitskiy|2017|p=87}} Six months after the purge, at an unscheduled meeting of the party, Kim Il-sung called for loyalty in the film industry that had betrayed him with An Act of Sincerity. Kim Jong-il himself announced that he was up to the task and thus begun his influential career in film-making.{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=28}} Kim left the party's Organization and Guidance Department to take over PAD which had been tarnished in the incident.{{Sfn|Lim|2015|p=48}} He gave his support for establishing a monolithic ideology centered around his father alone.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} Kim called a month-long conference of filmmakers to re-orient the country's film industry by cleansing it from the "poison" of the Kapsan faction.{{Sfn|Cha|Sohn|2012|p=29}} Kim also had the conspirators' war memoirs removed from a popular collection called Reminiscences of the Anti-Japanese Guerillas.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=44}} AftermathThe Kapsan Faction Incident was "a watershed in North Korean politics". It marked the last credible challenge to Kim Il-sung's position. Once the faction had been cleared, Kim's grip on power hardened and his cult of personality intensified. Kim Il-sung badges were introduced and it became mandatory to quote Kim in public meetings. Soon after the incident, Kim Yong-ju, Kim Il-sung's brother, codified his rule in the influential Ten Principles for the Establishment of a Monolithic Ideological System.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} Kim Il-sung announced the principles to the public in a speech held at the SPA on 16 December 1967 entitled "Let Us Embody the Revolutionary Spirit of Independence, Self-Sustenance, and Self-Defense More Thoroughly in all Branches of State Activity".[3] Kim's cult of personality began to focus on members of his family as well.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} The first figure the cult was extended to was his mother, Kang Pan-sok.{{Sfn|Lim|2015|p=48}} In July 1967, a song entitled "Mother of Korea" praising her was published. In July and September Rodong Sinmun published articles praising Kang.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} September also saw a campaign to emulate Kang in the Korean Democratic Women's Union. By 1968, the North Korean cult of personality was complete.{{Sfn|Lim|2015|p=48}} By the time of the following year, the purges were over.[6] After the incident, the Korean word for leader, suryong, which had been used for the leader of any group, or for Lenin or Stalin, became to exclusively mean Kim Il-sung. It also marked the rise of Kim Jong-il into the center of political life.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=40}} Following the purges and personnel replacements, North Korea's policy toward South Korea became more hard-line.[4] Kim's May 25 speech also had the effect of establishing his own theoretical position distinct from that of China or the Soviet Union, granting him political independence from the two socialist great powers.{{Sfn|Lim|2008|p=39}} Kim Il-sung's Byungjin economic line took hold, although in reality it meant privileging the army over the economy.{{Sfn|Myers|2015|p=105}} His political ideology of Juche also began to gradually gain momentum.{{Sfn|Myers|2015|p=96}}[3] See also
References1. ^{{cite book|last=Hoare|first=James E.|title=Historical Dictionary of Democratic People's Republic of Korea|chapter=Kapsan Faction|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rh5h4bZgkhEC&pg=PA200|year=2012|publisher=Scarecrow Press|location=Lanham|isbn=978-0-8108-7987-4|page=200}} 2. ^{{cite book|last=Armstrong|first=Charles K.|title=The North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Bq6dDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA22|year=2013|publisher=Cornell University Press|location=Ithaca|isbn=0-8014-6880-9}} 3. ^1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 {{Cite web |title=The 1967 Purge of the Gapsan Faction and Establishment of the Monolithic Ideological System |last=Person |first=James F. |work=North Korea International Documentation Project |publisher=Wilson Center |date=14 December 2013 |access-date=11 October 2018 |url= https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/the-1967-purge-the-gapsan-faction-and-establishment-the-monolithic-ideological-system }} 4. ^1 2 {{cite book|author=Taik-Young Hamm|title=Arming the Two Koreas: State, Capital and Military Power|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fssrBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA143|year=2012|publisher=Routledge|location=London|isbn=978-1-134-62066-1|page=143}} 5. ^1 {{Cite web |title=The 1967 speech that set North Korean totalitarianism in stone |last=Tertitskiy |first=Fyodor |work=NK News |date=24 May 2017 |access-date=9 March 2019 |url= https://www.nknews.org/2017/05/the-1967-speech-that-set-north-korean-totalitarianism-in-stone }} 6. ^{{cite book|title=Encyclopaedia Britannica|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0-hMAQAAIAAJ|year=1973|publisher=Encyclopaedia Britannica|volume=13|isbn=978-0-85229-173-3|page=462A|chapter=Korea|location=Chicago}} Works cited
Further reading
External links
5 : 1967 in North Korea|Purges in North Korea|Political and cultural purges|History of the Workers' Party of Korea|Kim Il-sung |
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