请输入您要查询的百科知识:

 

词条 Women's rights in Jammu and Kashmir
释义

  1. Education

  2. Citizenship

  3. Role of women in the conflict

     Dukhtaran-e-Milat (DeM)   Women's Self Defense Corps (WSDC)  

  4. Cross-border Collaborations

      Women's Bus for Peace    LOC Conference  

  5. See also

  6. References

  7. External links

{{Multiple issues|{{cleanup|reason=Needs to be wikified|date=December 2018}}{{copy edit|for=Whitespaces, and usage of citations|date=December 2018}}
}}

The Accession of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) to India in 1947 is still a matter of dispute which has led to Jammu and Kashmir being a zone of perpetual conflict and warfare where the women of Kashmir have suffered endlessly as a result.[1][2] Living in a patriarchal society, not only have Kashmiri women had to fight against inequality and discrimination, they have also been victims of violence at the hands of the Indian security forces and the militants.[3] While there has not been a full-bodied women's movement in Jammu and Kashmir, there have been many small organisations formed by women to struggle for their rights.[4]

Education

The social, economic and political conditions of J&K have increased gender disparity in the region with men dominating the socio-economic and political processes.[5] A woman's role has traditionally been associated solely with domestic affairs and even today, in the more rural areas women have no access to education and the need for it has still not been realised.[5] According to a 2011 census, the reported literacy rate of J&K is approximately 68.74 per cent but the literacy among women is only 58.01 per cent.[6] The dropout rates among males and females show that the female dropout rate is higher and one out of every three adult women in J&K is unable to read or write in comparison to one out of five adult males.[7]

In many rural areas, even now the birth of a son is celebrated but the birth of a daughter is not. This is because a male is seen as insurance as he will get a job and support a family but the female on the other hand is seen only as a source of expenses as she will get married and leave.[7]{{Citation needed|date=December 2018}}

Such gender inequality can only be uprooted by the help of education and this is recognised by Article 10 of the CEDAW.[6] The state government has realised that for the all-round progress of women in the valley, the gender disparity in education needs to be removed and has thus started many initiatives for this cause.[8] However, this has not been easy as there is still a lack of employment of qualified female teachers, good infrastructure of schools and a reasonable student-teacher ratio.[8]

Citizenship

The principle of citizenship operates on the assumptions of equality between men and women and the right to citizenship is a fundamental human right recognised by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[9] But in the case of Jammu and Kashmir, there are conspicuously unequal terms with regards to citizenship among men and women.[9] The orthodox position has been that if a native woman from J&K marries a foreigner, she immediately loses her capability to inherit, own or buy immovable property in the state.[10] In contrast, no such law applies to a male who marries outside.[10] It has been proclaimed by secular and ethno-nationalists that only by protecting the true uniqueness of Kashmiri culture, can an autonomous state of J&K interact with today's globalised world and not lose the essence of its identity.[10] A Kashmiri native woman is thus made to represent the pure essence of the Kashmiri culture which would be tainted when she crosses her cultural threshold.[10] So, the inequality in citizenship is justified on these grounds of preserving the individuality of the state.[9]

On 7 October 2002, the High Court of J&K made a ground-breaking decision which was contrary to the established legal position.[11] The High Court declared that by marrying an outsider, the women of J&K did not lose their permanent resident status.[11] It was further stated that the original document that had been used as evidence for depriving women of their citizenship did not expressly state so.[11] The consequence of this decision was that all political parties in the state drafted a bill, known as "The Daughters Bill" or "The Permanent Residents' (Disqualification) Bill", together that did not allow women to keep their permanent resident status upon marriage to an outsider.[12] It was argued by the law minister of the time, Muzaffar Beg, that it was "universally accepted that the woman follows thedomicile of her husband."[13]

Eventually, the bill was not passed but a similar bill was introduced in March 2010 and the reason that was put forth again was the protection of Kashmiri identity and the fear of demographic change.[13] But the irony is that if demographic change is the real problem, then it is the men of Kashmir that should be banned from marrying outside because unlike the women, the men can pass the right of permanent residence to their spouse and children.[13] At present, the bill has been dropped but there are still many who believe that such a bill is necessary.[13] Looking at the gender insensitivity in the politics of Kashmir, it would be no surprise if this bill resurfaces again.[13]

Role of women in the conflict

In 1989, the dissatisfaction of the Kashmiris with the undemocratic operations of India led to the introduction of terror tactics and militancy to the Kashmir conflict.[14] Since then, several militant groups in Kashmir have been gradually carrying forward a movement of terror against India and its security personnel.[15] When the public's support for the militant movement began to diminish, many militants turned towards the political arena but the voices of women have still not been accorded their rightful place within the dialogue of the Kashmiri conflict and politics.[15] This is in spite of the well-known fact that women have been the worst hit victims of the conflict and have played a pivotal role in the rise of the separatistnarrative as well as the armed insurgency.[15] Women's militant activities are barely mentioned, let alone discussed in mainstream narratives of militancy in Kashmir.[16] There seems to be an unease with the idea that Kashmiri women are/were involved in militancy and this unease and denial is so deeply entrenched that whenever a woman is charged as an overground operative of any militant group, the media is swift to declare her innocent and reveal her personal tragedies.[17]

Dukhtaran-e-Milat (DeM)

The DeM is an all-women's organisation that was created in 1981 by Asiya Andrabi.[17] In the beginning, the group's goal was to inform the Muslim women of Islam and make them aware of their rights in Islam.[17] However, over time the group began to morally police women and encouraged them to support the militants waging jihad in Kashmir.[17] There have been many occasions on which the group has had to go underground with the state government prohibiting its activities.[17] In 1987, the organisation adopted a more political character and demanded that there be seats in public transport and buses reserved exclusively for women but the government ignored their demands.[17] When the insurgency commenced in 1988, the group started to appeal to women to look after the household and support the mujahideen.[17]

Andrabi also asserts that she has stopped many girls from crossing over to Pakistan to get trained in armed combat in militant camps.[17] The timeline of DeM is filled with bans and arrests under the Public Safety Act.[17] DeM can be classified as a radical religious group that resorts to coercion and unlawful ways such as threats to enforce a conservative version of Islam on the Kashmiri women.[17] Its moral policing initiatives mainly involve targeting of what are considered as centres of immorality and these include cafes, restaurants, shops selling alcohol and even gift shops.[17] The DeM campaigns for complete segregation of the sexes and for strictly gendered roles established on what they proclaim to be the central pillars of Islam.[17] The DeM's view of the Kashmir conflict is that it is a religious conflict and so what they seek is not an autonomous state but the accession of J&K with Pakistan and this is their primary motive in helping militant groups.[18] While there is nothing that proves that DeM engages in direct armed struggle, Andrabi has stated in an interview if there was ever need, the women might take up arms or even suicide bombing.[18]

Organisations which share the ideology of the DeM promote the making of culture that is homogenous and that has none of the liberties and choices for women that are traditionally an integral part of the Kashmiri culture.[19] Their strict measures such as imposition of the burqa only strengthen the patriarchal structure of the Kashmiri society.[19] To really cater to the needs of the female population of the valley, some commentators say that the DeM efforts would be more beneficial if directed at creation of quotas for women in Parliament, the legislative assembly and the judiciary so that female representation could increase and a cultural shift could occur in terms of gender role expectations.[19]

Women's Self Defense Corps (WSDC)

In 1947, the Women's Self Defense Corps (WSDC) was formed of a group of volunteers. The WSDC was the women's wing of the Jammu and Kashmir National Militia. The group's aim is "to train women for self- defense and to resist invaders".[20] Not only were women trained in weaponry, the group also provided a forum for women. Within this forum, women "steeped in centuries-old traditions, abysmal ignorance, poverty and superstition could discuss their issues".[21] However, they also worked at a political and cultural level in order to have a greater effect.

Cross-border Collaborations

{{See also|Peacebuilding in Jammu and Kashmir}}

Cross-border collaborations can be traced back to when the war between India and Pakistan started. There was a range of common issues that women from both these countries were going through, such as public and domestic violence, rape, human rights abuses, and inequality. The environment created by the Kashmir conflict was leaving a negative impact on these women. In such a tense environment, groups and initiatives for cross-border collaborations created a space not only for the women, but also creating an atmosphere for the building of human relationships and for substantive dialogue on issues like the Indo-Pakistani war.

Women's cross-border initiatives have made many changes and contributions to the peace between India and Pakistan. It provides opportunities for face to face interactions and dialogue, and has facilitated a much-needed understanding between the people of these two nations. Women have firmly engaged in several processes through their meetings with various government officials and civil society groups, addressed important concerns such as the need to look into schools, visas, and initiated an exchange of media between the two countries.[22] At times, when only the civil society groups and government officials had the right to make decisions, groups and initiatives like this were able to negotiate and sustain cross-border dialogue.[22] Women's experience and groups like these represent an alternative way and a possibility of nonviolent ways of negotiating conflict.

Women's Bus for Peace

In 1999, 40 Indian women representing different faiths and different political views went on a 12-hour bus journey from New Delhi, India to Lahore, Pakistan. It was organized by Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia (WIPSA). This bus journey, or the Women's Bus for Peace, represents one of many several cross-border collaborations between women from Pakistan and India.[23] This initiative began by simply communicating with each other; all these women had common issues and struggles that they all were going through. What brought these women from different countries together was the need to build strategies for peace and that began with understanding others through communication with a cross section of society in the two countries. Women's Bus for Peace brought back into focus the need to open the gates of communication between the people of Pakistan and India.

LOC Conference

In November 2007, a women's conference was held in Kashmir. The conference, "Connecting Women across the Line of Control (LOC)" was open to all whether they were Pakistani or Indian. At the conference they discussed various things ranging from aiding victims of violence and untreated illnesses to mobilizing women in political and social field. The participants "vehemently endorsed diplomacy and peaceful negotiations in order to further the India–Pakistan peace process; withdrawal of forces from both sides of the LOC; decommissioning of militants; rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits to rebuild the syncretic fabric of Kashmiri society; and rehabilitation of detainees".[24] Regardless of their ethnicities, the women worked together to find solutions to the problems caused by the Kashmir conflict and to finally bring and end to the decades long feud.

See also

  • Rape during the Kashmir conflict
  • Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir
  • Kashmir conflict

References

1. ^ , Shahnaz Khalil Khan "Discerning women's discursive frames in CyberKashmir" (2015) 23(3) Contemporary South Asia 334 at 334.
2. ^ , Dr. Ayesha Ray "Kashmiri Women and the Politics of Identity" (paper presented to SHUR Final Conference on Human Rights and Civil Society, Rome, June 2009) at 2.
3. ^ , Dr. Ayesha Ray "Kashmiri Women and the Politics of Identity" (paper presented to SHUR Final Conference on Human Rights and Civil Society, Rome, June 2009) at 3.
4. ^  Dr. Ayesha Ray "Kashmiri Women and the Politics of Identity" (paper presented to SHUR Final Conference on Human Rights and Civil Society, Rome, June 2009) at 14.
5. ^[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/252326244_INTERVENTIONS_FOR_PROMOTING_GENDER_EQUITY_AT_ELEMENTARY_EDUCATION_LEVEL_IN_SOUTH_KASHMIR_AN_EVALUATIVE_STUDY], Showkeen Bilal Ahmad Gul and Dr. Zebun Nisa Khan "Interventions for promoting gender equality at elementary education level in South Kashmir: An evaluative study" (2013) 4(3) Researchers World – Journal of Arts, Science & Commerce 130 at 131.
6. ^[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/252326244_INTERVENTIONS_FOR_PROMOTING_GENDER_EQUITY_AT_ELEMENTARY_EDUCATION_LEVEL_IN_SOUTH_KASHMIR_AN_EVALUATIVE_STUDY], Showkeen Bilal Ahmad Gul and Dr. Zebun Nisa Khan "Interventions for promoting gender equality at elementary education level in South Kashmir: An evaluative study" (2013) 4(3) Researchers World – Journal of Arts, Science & Commerce 130 at 131.
7. ^[https://www.researchgate.net/publication/252326244_INTERVENTIONS_FOR_PROMOTING_GENDER_EQUITY_AT_ELEMENTARY_EDUCATION_LEVEL_IN_SOUTH_KASHMIR_AN_EVALUATIVE_STUDY], Showkeen Bilal Ahmad Gul and Dr. Zebun Nisa Khan "Interventions for promoting gender equality at elementary education level in South Kashmir: An evaluative study" (2013) 4(3) Researchers World – Journal of Arts, Science & Commerce 130 at 131.
8. ^ , Fayaz Ahmad Bhat, Fouzia Khurshid and Nazmul Hussain "Gender disparity and policies of inclusion: A case study of women's education in Jammu and Kashmir" (2011) 2(3) Researchers World – Journal of Arts, Science & Commerce 135 at 146.
9. ^ , Jasbir Singh and Anupama Vohra "Citizenship Rights of Women in Jammu and Kashmir: An Uncertain Future" (2007) 14(1) Indian Journal of Gender Studies 157 at 157.
10. ^Nyla Ali Khan "Negotiating the boundaries of gender, community and nationhood: A case study of Kashmir" (2011) 18(1) Pakistan Journal of Women's Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 1 at 13.
11. ^ , Jasbir Singh and Anupama Vohra "Citizenship Rights of Women in Jammu and Kashmir: An Uncertain Future" (2007) 14(1) Indian Journal of Gender Studies 157 at 165.
12. ^ , Jasbir Singh and Anupama Vohra "Citizenship Rights of Women in Jammu and Kashmir: An Uncertain Future" (2007) 14(1) Indian Journal of Gender Studies 157 at 167.
13. ^http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/main-article-kashmir-vs-women-1374449
14. ^ , Swati Parashar "Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as Prepetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir" (2011) 34 Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 295 at 298.
15. ^ , Swati Parashar "Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as Prepetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir" (2011) 34 Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 295 at 298.
16. ^ , Swati Parashar "Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as Prepetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir" (2011) 34 Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 295 at 302.
17. ^10 11  , Swati Parashar "Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as Prepetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir" (2011) 34 Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 295 at 303.
18. ^ , Swati Parashar "Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as Prepetrators, Planners, and Patrons of Militancy in Kashmir" (2011) 34 Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 295 at 303.
19. ^"Negotiating the boundaries of gender, community and nationhood: A case study of Kashmir" (2011) 18(1) Pakistan Journal of Women's Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 1 at 7.
20. ^{{Cite web|url=http://www.gfgrg.org/women-and-resistance-in-kashmir-by-yogesh-mishra/|title=Women and Resistance in Kashmir|last=Mishra|first=Yogesh|date=June 27, 2018|website=Gender and Feminist Geographies Research Group|archive-url=|archive-date=|dead-url=|access-date=November 30, 2018}}
21. ^{{Cite book|title=Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir: Between India and Pakistan|last=Khan|first=Nyla Ali|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|year=2010|location=New York|pages=134}}
22. ^{{Cite journal|last=Sewak|first=Manjiri|date=2004|title=Women's Initiatives for Peace between Pakistan and India|journal=Pakistan Horizon|volume=57|issue=3|pages=121–126|jstor=41394062}}
23. ^{{Cite journal|last=Sewak|first=Manjiri|date=2004|title=Women's Initiatives for Peace between Pakistan and India|journal=Pakistan Horizon|volume=57|issue=3|pages=121–126|jstor=41394062}}
24. ^{{Cite book|title=Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir: Between India and Pakistan|last=Khan|first=Nyla Ali|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|year=2010|location=New York|pages=142}}

External links

  • [https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/kashmir/back.htm Behind the Kashmir conflict]
  • Politics of rape in Kashmir
  • [https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/asia-and-the-pacific/india/report-india/ Amnesty International on human rights abuses in Kashmir]
  • [https://www.awid.org/news-and-analysis/womens-resistance-kashmir Women's Resistance in Kashmir]
{{Jammu and Kashmir topics}}{{Kashmir conflict}}

5 : Women's rights by region|Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir|Jammu and Kashmir|Women in India|Women's rights

随便看

 

开放百科全书收录14589846条英语、德语、日语等多语种百科知识,基本涵盖了大多数领域的百科知识,是一部内容自由、开放的电子版国际百科全书。

 

Copyright © 2023 OENC.NET All Rights Reserved
京ICP备2021023879号 更新时间:2024/9/22 3:49:14