词条 | Definitions of fascism |
释义 |
What constitutes a definition of fascism and fascist governments has been a complicated and highly disputed subject concerning the exact nature of fascism and its core tenets debated amongst historians, political scientists, and other scholars since Benito Mussolini first used the term in 1915. A significant number of scholars agree that a "fascist regime" is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. Authoritarianism is thus a defining characteristic, but most scholars will say that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9] Similarly, fascism as an ideology is also hard to define. Originally, it referred to a totalitarian political movement linked with corporatism which existed in Italy from 1922 to 1943 under the leadership of Benito Mussolini. Many scholars use the word "fascism" without capitalization in a more general sense, to refer to an ideology (or group of ideologies) which was influential in many countries at many different times. For this purpose, they have sought to identify what Roger Griffin calls a "fascist minimum"—that is, the minimum conditions that a certain political movement must meet in order to be considered "fascist".[3] Scholars have inspected the apocalyptic, millennial and millenarianism aspects of fascism.[10][11][12][13][14][15][16] By fascist thinkers and movementsBenito MussoliniBenito Mussolini, who was the first to use the term for his political party in 1915, described fascism in Doctrine of Fascism as follows:[17]{{Quotation|Granted that the 19th century was the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy, this does not mean that the 20th century must also be the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy. Political doctrines pass; nations remain. We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right', a Fascist century. If the 19th century was the century of the individual (liberalism implies individualism) we are free to believe that this is the 'collective' century, and therefore the century of the State.}}{{Quotation|The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people.}}{{Quotation|...everything in the state, nothing against the State, nothing outside the state.}}{{Quotation|Fascism is a religious conception in which man is seen in his immanent relationship with a superior law and with an objective Will that transcends the particular individual and raises him to conscious membership of a spiritual society. Whoever has seen in the religious politics of the Fascist regime nothing but mere opportunism has not understood that Fascism besides being a system of government is also, and above all, a system of thought.}}Sergio PanunzioSergio Panunzio, a former syndicalist who was associated with Benito Mussolini, and who later became a leading fascist theorist, stated that the spirit of fascism was National Syndicalism as formulated by Mussolini before the battle of Vittorio Veneto.[18]Charles MaurrasCharles Maurras, leader of Action Française, a far-right political movement, praised Italian fascism, although he argued that it was an incomplete form of his ideal integral nationalism.[19]
By scholarsUmberto EcoIn his 1995 essay "Eternal Fascism", cultural theorist Umberto Eco lists fourteen general properties of fascist ideology.[20] He argues that it is not possible to organise these into a coherent system, but that "it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it". He uses the term "Ur-fascism" as a generic description of different historical forms of fascism. The fourteen properties are as follows:
Emilio GentileItalian historian of fascism Emilio Gentile described fascism in 1996 as the "sacralization of politics" through totalitarian methods[21] and argued the following ten constituent elements:[22]
A. James GregorA professor of political science emeritus at the U.C. Berkeley, A. James Gregor, contends that fascism was a “variant of Sorelian syndicalism” which also included components of neo-idealism and elitist socialism.[24] Gregor took the position that Stalinism and Fascist totalitarianism would have been impossible without the “transmogrified Marxism, that infilled both.”[25] According to Gregor: Fascism was a variant of classical Marxism, a belief system that pressed some themes argued by both Marx and Engels until they found expression in the form of ‘national syndicalism’ that was to animate the first Fascism.[26] Furthermore, he believes that post-Maoist China displays many fascist traits. He has denied that fascism is "right-wing extremism."[27] Roger GriffinHistorian and political scientist Roger Griffin's definition of fascism focuses on the populist fascist rhetoric that argues for a "re-birth" of a conflated nation and ethnic people.[28] According to Griffin
Griffin writes that a broad scholarly consensus developed in English-speaking social sciences during the 1990s, around the following definition of fascism:
Griffin argues that the above definition can be condensed into one sentence: "Fascism is a political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism."[30] The word "palingenetic" in this case refers to notions of national rebirth. F.A. HayekClassical liberal economist and philosopher Friedrich Hayek, in his 1944 book The Road to Serfdom, argued that socialism and national socialism had similar intellectual roots. “Fascism is the stage reached after communism has proved an illusion.” He cited the following exemplary cases of socialist scholars: Werner Sombart was hailed as a Marxist and persecuted for his beliefs, but when he later rejected internationalism and pacifism in favor of German militarism and nationalism, he became an intellectual force for national socialism early on. Johann Plenge, another early national socialist intellectual, saw national socialism as a German adaptation of socialism. Paul Lensch was a socialist politician in the Reichstag who argued for central control of the economy and for militarism that became features of national socialism. He wrote that Western or English liberalism, which includes the ideas of freedom, community, and equality and rule by parliamentary democracy, was anathema in a true Germany, where power should belong to the whole, everyone is given his place, and one either obeys or commands. Oswald Spengler in his early writings advocated many of the ideas shared by German socialists at this time. Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, a patron saint of national socialism, per Hayek, claimed that World War I was a war between liberalism and socialism and that socialism lost. Like Plenge and Lensch, he saw national socialism as socialism adapted to the German character and undefiled by Western ideas of liberalism.[31] Dimitri KitsikisDimitri Kitsikis, a Greek Turkologist and Sinologist, proposed a model of fascism in 1998 featuring 13 categories by which fascist ideologies, movements and establishments can be analyzed and contrasted with others:[32]
Using this model, Kitsikis argued that Jean-Jacques Rousseau, philosopher and father of the French Revolution, laid the foundations of French Fascism.[33] Kitsikis also applied the model to the Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path), a Peruvian communist party which claims to follow Maoism. The results of his analysis showed that the party's ideology satisfies all the criteria of nine categories (nine points), some of the criteria of three categories (1.5 points) and none of the criteria of one category (0 points). A total score of 10.5 out of a possible 13 shows that Shining Path actually follows a fascist ideology.[34] Ernst NolteErnst Nolte, a German historian and Hegelian philosopher, defined fascism in 1965 as a reaction against other political movements, especially Marxism: "Fascism is anti-Marxism which seeks to destroy the enemy by the evolvement of a radically opposed and yet related ideology and by the use of almost identical and yet typically modified methods, always, however, within the unyielding framework of national self-assertion and autonomy."[35]Kevin PassmoreKevin Passmore, a history lecturer at Cardiff University, defines fascism in his 2002 book Fascism: A Very Short Introduction. His definition is directly descended from the view put forth by Ernesto Laclau:[36]
Robert PaxtonRobert Paxton, a professor emeritus at Columbia University, defines fascism in his 2004 book The Anatomy of Fascism as:
Stanley G. PayneHistorian of fascism Stanley G. Payne created a lengthy list of characteristics to identify fascism in 1995:[37][38] in summary form, there are three main strands. His typology is regularly cited by reliable sources as a standard definition. First, Payne's "fascist negations" refers to such typical policies as anti-communism and anti-liberalism. Second, "fascist goals" include a nationalist dictatorship and an expanded empire. Third, "fascist style", is seen in its emphasis on violence and authoritarianism, and its exultation of men above women, and young above old.[39]
Zeev SternhellOne of the world's leading experts on fascism, Zeev Sternhell, describes Fascism as a reaction against modernity and a backlash against the changes it had caused to society, as a "rejection of the prevailing systems: liberalism and Marxism, positivism and democracy."[40] At the same time, Sternhell says that part of what made Fascism unique was that it wanted to retain the benefits of progress and modernism while rejecting the values and social changes that had come with it; Fascism embraced liberal market-based economics and the violent revolutionary rhetoric of Marxism, but rejected their philosophical principles.[41] John WeissJohn Weiss, a Wayne State University history professor, described fascist ideas in his 1967 book, The Fascist Tradition: Radical Right-Wing Extremism in Modern Europe: organicist conceptions of community, philosophical idealism, idealization of "manly" (usually peasant or village) virtues, resentment of mass democracy, elitist conceptions of political and social leadership, racism (and usually anti-Semitism), militarism and Imperialism.[42]John LukacsJohn Lukacs, Hungarian-American historian and Holocaust survivor, argues in the Hitler of History that there is no such thing as generic fascism, claiming that National Socialism and Italian Fascism were more different than similar and that, alongside communism, they were ultimately radical forms of populism.[43]By MarxistsMarxists argue that fascism represents the last attempt of a ruling class (specifically, the capitalist bourgeoisie) to preserve its grip on power in the face of an imminent proletarian revolution. Fascist movements are not necessarily created by the ruling class, but they can only gain political power with the help of that class and with funding from big business. Once in power, the fascists serve the interests of their benefactors.[44][45]Clara ZetkinAn early study of fascism was written by Clara Zetkin for the Third Plenum in 1923: "Fascism is the concentrated expression of the general offensive undertaken by the world bourgeoisie against the proletariat.... fascism [is] an expression of the decay and disintegration of the capitalist economy and as a symptom of the bourgeois state’s dissolution. We can combat fascism only if we grasp that it rouses and sweeps along broad social masses who have lost the earlier security of their existence and with it, often, their belief in social order.... It will be much easier for us to defeat Fascism if we clearly and distinctly study its nature. Hitherto there have been extremely vague ideas upon this subject not only among the large masses of the workers, but even among the revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat and the Communists.... The Fascist leaders are not a small and exclusive caste; they extend deeply into wide elements of the population.[44] Georgi DimitrovGeorgi Dimitrov, Bulgarian Communist, was a theorist of capitalism who expanded Lenin's ideas and the work of Clara Zetkin. Delivering an official report to the 7th World Congress of the Communist Third International in August 1935, Bulgarian Communist leader Georgi Dimitrov cited the definition of fascism formulated with the help of Clara Zetkin at the Third Plenum as "the open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, and most imperialist elements of finance capital".[45] According to Dimitrov: "Fascism is not a form of state power "standing above both classes -- the proletariat and the bourgeoisie," as Otto Bauer, for instance, has asserted. It is not "the revolt of the petty bourgeoisie which has captured the machinery of the state," as the British Socialist Brailsford declares. No, fascism is not a power standing above class, nor government of the petty bourgeoisie or the lumpen-proletariat over finance capital. Fascism is the power of finance capital itself. It is the organization of terrorist vengeance against the working class and the revolutionary section of the peasantry and intelligentsia. In foreign policy, fascism is jingoism in its most brutal form, fomenting bestial hatred of other nations.... The development of fascism, and the fascist dictatorship itself, assume different forms in different countries, according to historical, social and economic conditions and to the national peculiarities, and the international position of the given country." Leon TrotskyIn the posthumously published 1944 tract, Fascism: What It Is and How to Fight It, Communist opposition leader Leon Trotsky noted: "The historic function of fascism is to smash the working class, destroy its organizations, and stifle political liberties when the capitalists find themselves unable to govern and dominate with the help of democratic machinery."[46] Amadeo Bordiga argued that fascism is merely another form of bourgeois rule, on the same level as bourgeois democracy or traditional monarchy, and that it is not particularly reactionary or otherwise exceptional.[47] By other antifascistsFranklin D. RooseveltAmerican statesman Franklin D. Roosevelt, who led the US into war with the fascist Axis powers, wrote about fascism: {{block quote|The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism — ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling private power.[48][49][50][51]}}George OrwellAnti-fascist author George Orwell describes fascism in a 1941 essay, "Shopkeepers At War", in economic terms: Fascism, at any rate the German version, is a form of capitalism that borrows from Socialism just such features as will make it efficient for war purposes... It is a planned system geared to a definite purpose, world-conquest, and not allowing any private interest, either of capitalist or worker, to stand in its way.[52] Writing for the Tribune in 1944, Orwell stated:[53] ...It is not easy, for instance, to fit Germany and Japan into the same framework, and it is even harder with some of the small states which are describable as Fascist. It is usually assumed, for instance, that Fascism is inherently warlike, that it thrives in an atmosphere of war hysteria and can only solve its economic problems by means of war preparation or foreign conquests. But clearly this is not true of, say, Portugal or the various South American dictatorships. Or again, antisemitism is supposed to be one of the distinguishing marks of Fascism; but some Fascist movements are not antisemitic. Learned controversies, reverberating for years on end in American magazines, have not even been able to determine whether or not Fascism is a form of capitalism. But still, when we apply the term ‘Fascism’ to Germany or Japan or Mussolini's Italy, we know broadly what we mean. Fascist as insult{{main|Fascist (insult)}}Some have argued that the terms fascism and fascist have become hopelessly vague since the World War II period, and that today it is little more than a pejorative used by supporters of various political views to insult their opponents. The word fascist is sometimes used to denigrate people, institutions, or groups that would not describe themselves as ideologically fascist, and that may not fall within the formal definition of the word. As a political epithet, fascist has been used in an anti-authoritarian sense to emphasize the common ideology of governmental suppression of individual freedom. In this sense, the word fascist is intended to mean oppressive, intolerant, chauvinist, genocidal, dictatorial, racist, or aggressive. George Orwell wrote in 1944: ...the word ‘Fascism’ is almost entirely meaningless. In conversation, of course, it is used even more wildly than in print. I have heard it applied to farmers, shopkeepers, Social Credit, corporal punishment, fox-hunting, bull-fighting, the 1922 Committee, the 1941 Committee, Kipling, Gandhi, Chiang Kai-Shek, homosexuality, Priestley's broadcasts, Youth Hostels, astrology, women, dogs and I do not know what else ... Except for the relatively small number of Fascist sympathisers, almost any English person would accept ‘bully’ as a synonym for ‘Fascist’. That is about as near to a definition as this much-abused word has come.[53] See also
Notes1. ^{{cite book|last1=Laqueur|first1=Walter|title=Fascism : past, present, future|date=1996|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0195117936|edition= Reprint}} 2. ^{{cite book|last1=Eatwell|first1=Roger|title=Fascism : a history|date=1996|publisher=Allen Lane|location=New York|isbn=978-0713991475|edition= 1st American}} 3. ^1 2 {{cite book|last1=Griffin|first1=Roger|title=The nature of fascism|date=1991|publisher=St. Martin's Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0312071325|edition= 1st publ. in the USA.}} 4. ^{{cite book|last1=Weber|first1=Eugen|title=Varieties of fascism : doctrines of revolution in the twentieth century|date=1964|publisher=Van Nostrand|location=New York|isbn=978-0898744446|edition= Reprint|ref=Weber1964}} 5. ^{{cite book|last1=Payne|first1=Stanley G.|title=A history of fascism, 1914-45|date=1995|publisher=UCL Press|location=London|isbn=978-0-299-14874-4|ref=Payne1995}} 6. ^{{cite book|last1=Fritzsche|first1=Peter|title=Rehearsals for fascism : populism and political mobilization in Weimar Germany|date=1990|publisher=Oxford Univ. Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0-19-505780-5|edition= 1st printing.}} 7. ^{{cite book|last1=Laclau|first1=Ernesto|title=Politics and ideology in Marxist theory : capitalism, fascism, populism|date=1977|publisher=Verso|location=London|isbn=978-1844677887|edition= English-language }} 8. ^{{cite book|last1=Reich|first1=Wilhelm|title=The mass psychology of fascism|date=2000|publisher=Farrar, Straus & Giroux|location=New York|isbn=978-0374508845|edition= 3rd rev. and enlarg.}} 9. ^1 {{cite book|last1=Paxton|first1=Robert|title=The Anatomy of Fascism|date=2004|publisher=Knopf Imprint|location=New York|isbn=978-1-4000-4094-0|edition= 1st}} 10. ^D. Redles, Hitler’s Millennial Reich: Apocalyptic Belief and the Search for Salvation, New York Univ. Press, 2005; 11. ^Klaus Vondung, The Apocalypse in Germany, Columbia and London: Univ. of Missouri Press, 2000; 12. ^R. Ellwood, “Nazism as a Millennialist Movement,” in Wessinger (ed.) Millennialism, Persecution, and Violence: Historical Cases; 13. ^J.M. Rhodes, The Hitler Movement: A Modern Millenarian Revolution, Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1980; 14. ^R. Wistrich, Hitler’s Apocalypse: Jews and the Nazi Legacy, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985; 15. ^Nicholas Goodrick–Clarke: The Occult Roots of Nazism: Secret Aryan Cults and Their Influence on Nazi Ideology, reprint with new preface, New York Univ. Press [1985] 2004; 16. ^N. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, revised and expanded, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, [1957] 1970. 17. ^{{cite web|url=http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Germany/mussolini.htm|title=Mussolini - THE DOCTRINE OF FASCISM|website=www.worldfuturefund.org}} 18. ^{{cite news|author=Sergio Panunzio|title=La méta del Fascismo|newspaper=Il Popolo d'Italia|date=22 June 1924}} Quote: "L'anima del Fascismo è, ricordiamolo sempre, il Sindacalismo Nazionale, la cui formula Mussolini lanciò prima del 1918, prima di Vittorio Veneto " 19. ^1 David Carroll. French Literary Fascism: Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, and the Ideology of Culture. (Princeton University Press, 1998) p. 90. 20. ^Umberto Eco: Eternal Fascism, The New York Review of Books, June 22, 1995 21. ^Emilio Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, translated by Keith Botsford (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996). 22. ^{{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |title=A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 |year=1995 |isbn=978-0-299-14874-4 |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |pages=5–6}} 23. ^Gentile, Emilio in Payne, Stanley A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 (1995), pp. 5-6 24. ^A. James Gregor, The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, New York, NY, The Free Press, 1969, p. 317, 25. ^A. James Gregor, Marxism, Fascism & Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism, Stanford University Press, 2009, p. 293 26. ^A. James Gregor, Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1979, p. xi 27. ^Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science (2006). 28. ^{{cite book | doi = 10.4135/9781452234168.n104 | title=Fascism | journal=Encyclopedia of Modern Political Thought| year=2013 | isbn=9780872899100 | last1=Claeys | first1=Gregory }} 29. ^Roger Griffin, The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080910055552/http://ah.brookes.ac.uk/history/staff/griffin/coreoffascism.pdf |date=2008-09-10 }}, Chapter published in Alessandro Campi (ed.), Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Roma, 2003, pp. 97-122. 30. ^Roger Griffin, The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111120193621/http://ah.brookes.ac.uk/resources/griffin/coreoffascism.pdf |date=2011-11-20 }} 31. ^Hayek, FA. The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents, Bruce Caldwell, ed., New York 2008, Taylor and Francis, pp 181-192. 32. ^Kitsikis, Dimitri, Ἡ τρίτη ἰδεολογία καὶ ἡ Ὀρθοδοξία, (Athens, Hestia Books, 1998) 33. ^Kitsikis, Dimitri, Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines françaises du fascisme (Nantes, Ars Magna Editions, (Les Documents), 2006) 34. ^Kitsikis, Dimitri, Ἡ τρίτη ἰδεολογία καὶ ἡ Ὀρθοδοξία, (Athens, Hestia Books, 1998), pp. 252-253 35. ^{{cite book|last=Nolte|first=Ernst|title=Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian fascism, National Socialism|year=1965|publisher=Weidenfeld and Nicolson|location=London|authorlink=Ernst Nolte|title-link=Three Faces of Fascism}} 36. ^Passmore, Kevin,Fascism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 31. 37. ^{{cite book |author=Payne, Stanley |title=Fascism: Comparison and Definition |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |year=1980 |page=7}} 38. ^1 Stanley G. Payne. A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. University of Wisconsin Press, 1995. p. 7. 39. ^{{cite book|author=Prebble Q. Ramswell|title=Euroscepticism and the Rising Threat from the Left and Right: The Concept of Millennial Fascism|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_wNBDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA9|year=2017|publisher=Lexington Books|page=9}} 40. ^Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 6 41. ^Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 7 42. ^John Weiss, "The Fascist Tradition: Radical Right-Wing Extremism in Modern Europe", Harper & Row, 1967. 43. ^Lukacs, John The Hitler of History New York: Vintage Books, 1997, 1998 p. 118 44. ^1 {{cite web|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/zetkin/1923/08/fascism.htm|title=Clara Zetkin: Fascism (August 1923)|first=Clara|last=Zetkin|website=www.marxists.org}} 45. ^1 Georgi Dimitrov, "The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International," Main Report delivered at the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International - "The class character of fascism;" collected in VII Congress of the Communist International: Abridged Stenographic Report of Proceedings. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1939 46. ^Leon Trotsky, Fascism: What It Is and How to Fight It. New York: Pioneer Publishers, 1944; pg. ???. 47. ^{{citation |archivedate=2008-12-22 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20081222001648/http://www.skatta.demon.co.uk/eclipse/eclip6.htm |url=http://www.skatta.demon.co.uk/eclipse/eclip6.htm |title=Eclipse & Re-emergence}} 48. ^Franklin D. Roosevelt: Message to Congress on Curbing Monopolies. The American Presidency Project. 49. ^Franklin D. Roosevelt, "Appendix A: Message from the President of the United States Transmitting Recommendations Relative to the Strengthening and Enforcement of Anti-trust Laws",The American Economic Review, Vol. 32, No. 2, Part 2, Supplement, Papers Relating to the Temporary National Economic Committee (Jun., 1942), pp. 119-128.[https://www.jstor.org/pss/1805350] 50. ^"Anti-Monopoly". May 9, 1938. Time magazine. 51. ^Message to Congress on the Concentration of Economic Power. 52. ^George Orwell: ‘Shopkeepers At War’ First published: Socialism and the English Genius. London: February 19, 1941. 53. ^1 {{cite web|last1=Orwell|first1=George|title=What is Fascism?|url=http://www.orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc|accessdate=17 February 2017}} References
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