1. Name

2. Language

3. Country

4. Dreaming

5. Social organization
    Clans 

6. Economy

7. History

8. Native title

9. Gunditjmara of note

10. Alternative names

11. Some words

12. Notes
     Citations 

13. Sources

The Dhauwurd Wurrung, also known as the Gunditjmara,{{efn|Barry Blake questions the historical authenticity of Gunditjmara as a collective ethnonym current among the Dhauwurd wurrung, and says it came into use after being picked up by later ethnographers. 'Gunditjmara' was, he argues, used only in the context of specific clan naming.{{sfn|Blake|2003|p=2}} }} are an Indigenous Australian people of southwestern Victoria. They are the traditional owners of the areas now encompassing Warrnambool, Port Fairy, Woolsthorpe and Portland.

Name

Gunditjmara is formed from two words Gunditj an affix signifying 'belonging' and mara, their word for an aboriginal person of that area.{{efn|It was reported that this was one of four terms (the other 3 being Koondoom(water) karrup(lake) and tyarrk (swamp)) designating Lake Condah.{{sfn|Howitt|1904|p=69}} However the report from 1880 arguably garbled information from an Aboriginal informant.{{sfn|Clark|2014b|p=245}} }}

Language

The Dhauwurd wurrung language is classified as one of the dialects of the Bungandeik/Kuurn-Kopan-Noot subgroup of Victorian languages.{{sfn|Dixon|2002|p=xxxv}} It consisted of 5 subdialects: Wullu wurrung, Gai wurrung, Gurngubanud, Peek wurrung, and Dhauwurd wurrung.{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=11}}{{sfn|Blake|2003|p=2}} The language in its several varieties, was spoken from Glenelg to the Gellibrand and through to roughly 60 miles inland.{{sfn|Blake|2003|pp=xiii, 2}} Other generic terms for this linguistic complex refer to it as Kiriwurrung (Keerraywoorroong) or the Warnambool language.{{sfn|Blake|2003|p=2}} Only three speakers were known to speak the language still by 1880, with another 4 still fluent in the Peek wurrung dialect.{{sfn|Dawson|1881|p=4}} They had a form of avoidance speech called gnee wee banott (turn tongue) which required special terms and grammar in conversations when a man and mother-in-law were speaking in each other's company.{{sfn|Blake|2003|p=8}}

Thus, if one asked: 'Where are you going just now?'

This would be phrased in normal speech as:

• Wuunda gnin kitneean?

In Gunditjmara avoidance speech the same sentiment would be articulated quite differently:

• Wuun gni gnin gninkeewan?{{sfn|Dawson|1881|p=29}}

Country

The Gunditjmara tribal territories extends over an estimated {{convert|2,700|mi2|km2}}. The western boundaries are around Cape Bridgewater and Lake Condah. Northwards they reach Caramut and Hamilton. Their eastern boundaries lay around the Hopkins River.{{sfn|Tindale|1974|p=204}}{{efn|Howitt writes that their nation:'extended from the southern limits of the Muk-jarawaint to the sea, and from Mt Gambier to the Eumerella Creek, and included the Kuurn-kopan-noot and Peek-whuurrung tribes, described by Mr Dawson'{{sfn|Howitt|1904|=69}} }} Their neighbours to the west are the Buandig people, to the north the Jardwadjali and Djab wurrung peoples, and in the east the Girai wurrung people. Early settlers remarked on the richness of the game to be found from the Eumerella Creek down to the coast.{{efn|'All the land that lay between Eumeralla proper and the sea, a tract of country of some twenty or thirty miles square, had been probably from time immemorial a great hunting-ground and rendezvous for the surrounding tribes. It was no doubt eminently fitted for such a purpose. It swarmed with game, and in the spring was one immense preserve of every kind of wild fowl and wild animal that the country owned.'{{sfn|Boldrewood|1896|p=63}} }}

Dreaming

The Gunditjmara believe that the landscape's features mark out the traces of a creator, Budj Bim (lit.'High Head'), who emerged in the form of the volcano now called Mt Eccles. In a spate of eruption, the lava flows, constituting his blood and teeth, spilled over the landscape, fashioning its wetlands. 'High Head' still refers to the crater's brow, which can be accessed only by Gunditjmara men wearing special emu-feather footwear.{{sfn|Chai|2017}}

Opposite, beyond the coastline, on the island they call Deen Maar/Dhinmar{{sfn|Mathews|1904|p=297}} held special value for its burial associations. A cave there, known as Tarn wirrung ('road of the spirits'), is thought of as the mouth of a passage linking the mainland and the island.

In Gunditjmara funeral rites, bodies are enfolded in grass bundles and interred with their heads pointing to the island, with an apotropaic firebrand of native cherry wood. If grass was thereafter found outside the mouth of Tarn wirrung, it was regarded as evidence that the good spirit Puit puit chepetch had conveyed the corpse via the subterranean passage to the island, while guiding its spirit to the realm of the clouds. If the burial coincided with the appearance of a meteor, this was read as proof that the being in transit to the heavens had been furnished with fire. If grass was found at the cave when no one had been buried, then it was thought it showed someone had been murdered, and the cave could not be approached until the grass had been dispersed.{{sfn|Dawson|1881|pp=51–52}}{{efn|'These tribes, like those in the Wimmera River district, have a spirit-home, which is called maioga in some of the dialects, and mung'-o in others. All the clans have the same maioga, which consists of an island a short distance off the coast of Victoria, about half way between Warrnambool and Portland. The native name of this island is Dhinmar, but it is known on the map as Lady Julia Percy Island. On the shore of the mainland facing the island there are some large rocks, into the base of one of which the ceaseless rolling of the billows has worn a cavelike recess, respecting which the natives have a superstitious belief that it is in some way connected with Dhinmar. Every deceased person, when buried, is laid with his head pointing towards this island. His spirit then provides itself with a firebrand, consisting of a piece of dry cherry tree, because this wood emits a peculiar odour whilst burning, which has the power of warding off danger from the bearer. The spectre then proceeds to the shore where the rock is situated, where he divests himself of any clothing or trinkets he may be wearing on his body, and disappears over the intervening sea to Dhinmar. The spirits of all the clans and phratries go to this island, which they occupy in common, the same as they did in their native hunting grounds. There they remain until reincarnated.{{sfn|Mathews|1904|p=297}} }}

Social organization

The Gunditmara are divided into 59 clans, each with its headmen (wungit), a role passed on by hereditrary transmission.{{sfn|Builth|2009|pp=27–28}} They speak dialects,{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=11}} not all of them mutually intelligible,{{sfn|Clark|1998|p=70}} with the three main hordes located around Lake Condah, Port Fairy and Woolsthorpe respectively.{{sfn|Tindale|1974|p=204}} The Gunditmara groups are divided into two moieties, respectively the grugidj (sulphur-crested cockatoo or Long-billed corella) and the gabadj (Red-tailed black cockatoo,{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=11}} the latter once thriving in buloke woodlands, now mainly cleared.{{efn|The variety of red-tailed black cockatoo indigenous to an enclave in south western Victoria is now recognized as a distinct species, Calyptorhynchus banksii graptogyne.{{sfn|Australian Endangered Species|2007}} }}

According to Alfred William Howitt, they had 4 sections, which however did not affect marriage rules, :

• kerup (water)
• boom (mountain)
• direk (swamp)
• gilger (river)

However these terms refer to 4 of the 58 clans

Descent was matrilineal {{sfn|Clark|1995|p=11}}

Clans

The following is a list of the Dhauwurd wurrung /Gunditjmara clans (conedeet),{{efn|conedeet is a term, meaning something like 'belonging to', found only in clan names, thus Cart conedeet marr would be 'an (Aboriginal) man(marr) belonging to (conedeet) the Cart gundidj (see 10 below).{{sfn|Blake|2003|p=2}} According to James Dawson, conedeet, properly to be transcribed as kuurndit, functioned like the suffix -er in words like Londoner, meaning 'belonging to.'.{{sfn|Dawson|1881|p=2}} It was one of a series of terms among Australian band societies, like bulluc and corroke, affixed to a prominent toponym, and serving to indicate the locality a band was associated with.{{sfn|Peterson|Long|1986|p=47}} }} taken from that in Ian D. Clark's work.{{sfn|Clark|1995|pp=15–16}}

Economy

They are traditionally river and lake people, with Framlingham Forest, Lake Condah and the surrounding river systems being of great importance to them economically and spiritually. Numerous distinct structures, extending over 100 square kilometres of the landscape, are employed for the purpose of farming eels, the staple of the Gunditjmara diet.{{sfn|Salleh|2003}}{{sfn|Phillips|2003}} These include stone races; canals; traps; stone walls; stone house sites{{efn| Archaeologically not all circular outcrops of basalt bordering sinkholes and lava tubes were crafted stone houses, but rather resulted from natural processes, from geoilogical or arborial shifting of masses.{{sfn|Clarke|1994|pp=4–5,8}} }} and stone cairns.{{sfn|Clarke|1994|pp=3–4}} A controversy exists concerning the extent to which these features are the results of natural environmental processes or cultural modifications of the landscape by indigenous people. Peter Coutts and others argued, in a work entitled Aboriginal Engineers of the Western District, Victoria, that numerous features shown the handiwork of aboriginal landscaping for economic purposes.{{sfn|Coutts|Frank|Hughes|Vanderwal|1978}} This thesis was challenged as a mythical'romancing of the landscape' by Dr. Anne Clarke, one that confused natural processes with socially crafted infrastructure.{{sfn|Hiscock|2007|p=253}}

Fresh archaeological work by Dr Heather Builth led to her contending that they had a sophisticated system of aquaculture and eel farming. They built stone dams to hold the water in these swampy volcanic areas, esp. the Budj Bim ('top of head sticking out') area, creating ponds and wetlands in which they harvested Short-finned eels (kuyang){{sfn|Chai|2017}}{{sfn|Blake|2003|pp=16,20}}{{efn|Another word for eel exists, kakong.{{sfn|Blake|2003|p=184}} }} from Vanuatu and New Caledonia and other fish.

They also created channels linking these wetlands. These channels contained weirs with large woven baskets made by women to cull mature eels. Professor Peter Kershaw, a Monash University palynologist found evidence of a sudden change in vegetation consistent with an artificial ponding system, and initial radiocarbon dating of the soil samples suggest the ponds were created up to 8,000 years ago.{{sfn|Salleh|2003}}{{sfn|Phillips|2003}}

The eels were prepared by smoking them with burning leaves from Australian blackwood.{{sfn|Stichtenoth|2006}} The coastal clans, like other tribes on the south-west coast, according to an early settler, Thomas Browne, had a rich fish diet, which included whale (cunderbul) flesh,{{efn| Browne noted that the local aboriginals. 'had been for untold generations accustomed to a dietary scale of exceptional liberality. The climate was temperate; the forests abounded in game; wild fowl at certain seasons were plentiful; while the sea supplied them with fish of all sorts and sizes, from a whale (stranded) to a whitebait'.{{sfn|Clark|2011}} }}

History

The beginnings of contact with ngamadjidj (white people) date as far back as 1810, when whalers and sealers began to use Portland as a base area for their operations. Contact exposed the local people to epidemics from new diseases born by whites but otherwise was seasonal, and allowed time for demographic recovery.

The major turn in relations occurred with the arrival of, and settlement of their lands by, the Henty Brothers from 1834 onwards.{{efn| Edward Henty came ashore at Portland on 19 November of that year.{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=22}} }}{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=11}} Though much silence surrounded the massacres that took place, and, despite Boldrerwood's explicit testimony,{{efn| Like all guerillas, moreover, their act of outrage took place sometimes in one part of a large district, sometimes in another, the actors vanishing meanwhile, and reappearing with puzzling rapidity.{{sfn|Boldrewood|1896|p=67}} }} some early historians dismissed the idea of a guerilla war.{{efn|Henry Giles Turner wrote in 1904 after citing the highly laudatory opinion of Western district aborigines registered by James Dawson who dwelt in the midst of the conflict but never suffered aggression because he treated indigenous people fairly:'The wars which our American cousins waged for two hundred years against the brave and crafty redskins; the long struggles in Canada against the confederated six nations; the storming by British troops of native Pahs in New Zealand; the protracted wars, costly in blood and treasure, involved in the subjugation of the kaffirs and Zulus in South Africa; nay, even the more circumscribed, but still bloody "Black War" in Tasmania, had no counterpart in the settlement of the colony of Victoria. The reason is not far to seek, and it does not necessarily imply any want of courage on the part of the invaded. They were comparatively few in number, and they were dispersed in small tribes over a large area of country. By their habits, their superstitions and their traditions they were so involved in strife among themselves, that there was no possible basis of federation to resist the invader'.{{sfn|Turner|2011|p=216}} }}

Ian D. Clark has identified 28 massacre sites{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=14}} most of the colonialist slaughters taking place during the Eumerella War, so named when the phrase was used as a chapter heading in the memoirs{{sfn|Boldrewood|1896|p=51-62}} of the novelist Rolf Boldrewood who squatted 50,000 acres{{sfn|Saunders|2013}} near Port Fairy a decade after the main killings.{{sfn|Griffiths|1996|p=109}}

Sometime in 1833-1834, though the incident has been dated later, to around, 1839,{{sfn|Connor|2007}} whalers, perhaps 'tonguers,'{{efn|'Tonguers 'were those who contracted to tow the whale carcasses ashore and to cut them up and who received in payment the oil from the dissected carcass, including the tongue and interior parts'.'{{sfn|Clark|2011}} }} are thought to have clashed with the Kilcarer Gundidj on the beach at Portland at a site that later became known as Convincing Ground in an incident now known as the Convincing Ground massacre. Various versions exist. The site earned its name either because whalers hashed out their disputes there, because some transaction took place between the indigenous people and whalers, or because disputes arose, either of whale flesh or of the use of native women.{{efn|Clark states that Critchett's interpretation that sexual relations with native women was a cause is based on a misreading of Robinson's journal{{sfn|Clark|2011}} }} If the dispute was over the carcass of a beached whale, the whites may have wished to flense it while the natives may have insisted that it was theirs, as dictated by their ancient customs.{{sfn|Clark|1995|pp=17–19}}

Estimates of the number of people killed in the dispute is unknown,{{sfn|Pascoe|2007|pp=10,93–96, p.93}} varying from only a few to 30, 60 and as high as 200. All but two of the Kilcarer gundidj clan, Pollikeunnuc and Yarereryarerer,{{efn|This remnant of two was absorbed into the Cart gundidj of Mount Clay and the Ure gundidj and Bome gundidj clans.{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=22}} }} were said to have died. Robinson surmised many had been killed from encounters with 30 members of several different Dhauwurd wurrung clans. A minority view argued by Michael Connors, emerging in the context of Australia's recent History wars argues the figure of 200 dead misinterprets an 1841 report by the Portland Police Magistrate James Blair to Governor Latrobe referring to up to 200 Aboriginals amassing at Convincing Ground, and claims that modern research has fabricated the massacre.{{sfn|Connor|2007}} His arguments have been analysed, with a negative verdict by Ian D. Clark.{{sfn|Clark|2011}}{{sfn|Clark|2014a|pp=3–12}}

George Augustus Robinson, the official Protector of Aborigines, in travelling in this western area in 1841, reported that settlers in the districts spoke of 'dropping the Aborigines as coolly as if speaking of dropping birds.'{{sfn|Shaw|2003|p=130}} The loss of numbers, and headsmen meant clans were forced to unite under other clans and their chieftains. Thus the wungit of the Yiyar clan Boorn Boorn assumed leadership of the Cart gunditj, the Kilgar gunditj and Eurite gunditj when their leadership was eliminated.{{sfn|Builth|2009|p=28}}

Resisting dispossession, the Gunditjmara concentrated in the Stony Rises from which they waged guerilla warfare against the pastoralists usurping their lands, raiding their flocks and herds.{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=12}} Some protection was also afforded by the native protectorate set up at Mount Rouse, which the tribes used as a basis for their operations.{{sfn|Clark|1995|pp=12–13}} A particular point of ire were settlements that took over sacred sites associated with Mount Napier, Lake Condah and Port Fairy.{{sfn|Clark|1995|p=13}}

Due to the ongoing battles in the 1840s, the Gunditjmara became well known as "The fighting Gunditjmara".{{sfn|Burin|2012}}{{efn|'The frequently used name 'the fighting Gunditjmara' resists this culture of forgetting. Originally referring to their long conflict with Europeans during the Eumerella Wars of the 1840s, the 'fighting Gunditjmara' is now used by the Western District Aboriginal community to refer to their military contributions for Australia and their considerable achievements in sport,'{{sfn|Horton|2015|=206}} }}

Table: reporting 28 massacres in Gunditjmara country1833/4 to ?{{sfn|Clark|1995|pp=17–56}}

From the mid- late 19th century attempts were made to have them move into the Framlingham Aboriginal Station, a mission outside Warrnambool. This was unacceptable, it was located moreover on Girai wurrung land. 827 hectares were sert aside for them at Lake Condah, and two decades later, in 1885, this reserve was expanded by a further 692 hectares. The tribe congregated here, until an act was passed to deny right of residence to any half-caste, resulting in the dispersal of many Gunditjmara kinsfolk, and the loss of their collective traditions, with the Condah mission numbers dropping drastically from 117 to 20.{{sfn|Clark|1995|pp=12–13}}

The land was reclaimed in 1951 by the government and allocated to returnee soldiers.

In 2005 the area began to be bulldozed for groundwork for an eight-lot subdivision.{{sfn|Boulton|2005}} The dispute was settled when the area was set aside as a reservation, in an agreement forged in February 2007.{{sfn|Clark|2011}}

Native title

In 1987, the Victorian Labor government under John Cain attempted to grant some of the Framlingham State Forest to the trust as inalienable title, however the legislation was blocked by the Liberal Party opposition in the Victorian Legislative Council. However, the federal Labor government under Bob Hawke intervened, passing the Aboriginal Land Act 1987, which gave {{convert|1130|acre|km2|0}} of the Framlingham Forest to the Framlingham Trust.

Although the title is essentially inalienable, in that it can only be transferred to another Indigenous land trust, the Framlingham Trust has rights to prevent mining on the land, unlike trusts or communities holding native title.

In 1993, the Peek Whurrong members of the Gunditjmara purchased the Deen Maar under the auspices of ATSIC for the Framlingham Aboriginal Trust, with the intention that it become an Indigenous Protected Area (IPA), it was granted this status in 1999. Becoming the first IPA in Victoria.

The Lake Condah Mob launched their Native Title Claim in August 1996.

On 30 March 2007, the Federal Court of Australia under Justice Anthony North determined on recognising the Gunditjmara People's non-exclusive native title rights and interests over 137,000 hectares of vacant Crown land, national parks, reserves, rivers, creeks and sea in the Portland region of Victoria's western district. 4,000 hectares between Dunkeld and Yambuk on Victoria's south-west coast were set aside to include the eastern Marr.{{sfn|Native Title|2007}}{{sfn|Nolan|2011}}

On 27 July 2011, together with the Eastern Maar People, the Gunditjmara People were recognised to be the native title-holders of the 4,000 hectares of Crown including Lady Julia Percy Island, known to them as Deen Maar.{{sfn|Nolan|2011}}

Gunditjmara of note

• Reg Saunders, the first Aboriginal commissioned officer in the Australian Army.
• Geoff Clark, the first and only elected Aboriginal chairman of ATSIC
• Richard Frankland, playwright and musician.
• Norm McDonald, AFL player.
• Archie Roach, singer.
• Chris Johnson, Brisbane Lions AFL player.
• Nathan Lovett-Murray, Essendon AFL player.
• Wally Lovett, Richmond and Collingwood AFL player.
• Andrew Lovett, Essendon AFL player.
• Jill Gallagher AO, ^[1]Victorian Treaty Advancement Commissioner.
• Charmaine Clarke, Victorian Greens Candidate for the Senate 1998 and Ballarat Province by election 1999. Australian Greens Indigenous Spokesperson 1998 - 2000.^[2][3][4]
• Isaiah Firebrace, singer who won the eighth season of The X Factor Australia and represented Australia in the Eurovision Song Contest 2017. Firebrace's mother is Gunditjmara.
• Johnny Cuzens Member of the First XI Aboriginal Cricket Team

Alternative names

• Dhauhurtwurru (an ethnonnym from the name for the language
• Ku:nditjmara.
• Gournditch-mara (['Gunditj] = name of Lake Condah ['mara] = ['ma:r] = man), Gurnditschmara.
• Nil-can-cone-deets
• Kuurn-kopan-noot (language name)
• Kirurndit.
• Tourahonong.
• Weeritch-Weeritch.
• Ngutuk. (This was an exonym, meaning 'thou,' used by a neighbouring tribe)
• Villiers tribe
• Spring Creek tribe. (This referred the Woolsthorpe Mopor horde)
• Port Fairy tribe. (Used of the horde along that region's coast, which spoke a dialect called Peekwhuurong).{{sfn|Tindale|1974|p=204}}{{sfn|Howitt|1904|p=69}}

Some words

• merrejig('good'; also used as a greeting){{sfn|Clark|1995|p=34}}
• walat (frost, ice)
• paratj(girl)
• thung (smoke)
• kunang (shit)
• malang (wife)
• tjiparak (clown)
• pipayi/bebì (father)
• ngirang (mother)
• yul-yul (wild man)
• tarayl (virgin)
• thatha (to drink)
• yuwa (to sleep)
• pundiya (to live)
• windha (where?)
• thin wurn-ngayi (This is our place)
• Ngutjung yangi-yangi ngutjung (good, very good).{{sfn|Blake|2003|pp=16,20–21,25,29,42,52,179}}

Notes

Citations

Sources

• {{Cite journal | title = The Convincing Ground: a case study in frontier and modern conflict

• {{Cite web| title = Australian Endangered Species: Southeastern red-tailed black-cockatoo (Calyptorhynchus banksii graptogyne)

• {{Cite book| title = The Warrnambool language: a consolidated account of the Aboriginal language of the Warrnambool area of the Western District of Victoria based on nineteenth-century sources

• {{Cite book| title = Old Melbourne Memories

• {{Cite news| title = Anger over plans to build on massacre site

• {{Cite journal | title = Intangible Heritage of Indigenous Australians – a Victorian example

• {{cite web| title = Aboriginal digger's family fights for compensation

• {{Cite news| title = On a mission: Uncovering the past of Victoria's Gunditjmara country

• {{Cite book| title = Scars in the Landscape: a register of massacre sites in western Victoria, 1803–1859

• {{Cite book| title = "That's My Country Belonging to Me": Aboriginal Land Tenure and Dispossession in Nineteenth Century Western Victoria

• {{Cite journal | title = The Convincing Ground Aboriginal massacre at Portland Bay, Victoria: fact or fiction?

• {{Cite journal | title = The Convincing Ground, Portland Bay, Victoria, Australia: An Exploration of the Controversy Surrounding its Onomastic History

• {{Cite book| chapter = Multiple Aboriginal placenames in western and central Victoria

• {{Cite journal | title = Romancing the Stones. The Cultural Construction of an Archaeological Landscape in the Western District of Victoria

• {{Cite journal | title = Convincing Ground: an invented massacre

• {{Cite book| title = Aboriginal Engineers of the Western District, Victoria

• {{Cite book| title = .A 'distant field of murder': Western District frontiers, 1834-1848

• {{Cite book| title = . Untold Stories: Memories and Lives of Victorian Kooris

• {{Cite book| title = Australian Aborigines: The Languages and Customs of Several Tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria, Australia

• {{cite book| title = Australian Languages: Their Nature and Development

• {{Cite book| title = Hunters and Collectors: The Antiquarian Imagination in Australia

• {{Cite web| title = The Gunditjmara People's native title determinations

• {{Cite book| title = Archaeology of Ancient Australia

• {{Cite book| title = Cooke, Cecil Pybus (1813–1895)

• {{Cite book| title = Macknight, Charles Hamilton (1819–1873)

• {{Cite journal | title = 'Willing to fight to a man': The First World War and Aboriginal activism in the WesternDistrict of Victoria

• {{cite book| title = The Native Tribes of South-east Australia

• {{Cite book| title = Journey to Aboriginal Victoria

• {{Cite journal | title = Ethnological notes on the Aboriginal tribes of New South Wales and Victoria

• {{Cite book| title = Learmonth, William (1815–1889)

• {{Cite news| title = Aborigines win native title

• {{Cite book| title = Convincing Ground: Learning to Fall in Love with Your Country

• {{Cite journal | title = Australian territorial organization: a band perspective

• {{Cite news| title = Life was not a walkabout for Victoria's Aborigines

• {{Cite news| title = Aborigines may have and farmed eels, built huts

• {{Cite news| title = A forgotten war, a haunted land

• {{Cite book| title = A History of the Port Phillip District: Victoria Before Separation

• {{Cite book| title = The Aborigines of Victoria: with notes relating to the habits of the Natives of Other Parts of Australia and Tasmania

• {{cite news| title = Once were eel farmers

• {{Cite book| chapter = Gunditjmara (VIC)

• {{Cite book| title = A History of the Colony of Victoria: From Its Discovery to Its Absorption Into the Commonwealth of Australia

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