1. Definition of the concept
     Origin of the expression    Historical context    Countries concerned  

2. Framework
     Elysée's Africa cell    Underground diplomacy    Development aid  

3. Today

4. Quotations about "Françafrique"

5. See also

6. References

7. External links

Definition of the concept

Origin of the expression

The term "Françafrique" seems to have been used for the first time, in a positive sense, in 1955 by President Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Côte d'Ivoire, who advocated maintaining a close relationship with France, while acceding to independence. Close cooperation between Houphouët-Boigny and Jacques Foccart, chief adviser on African policy in the Charles de Gaulle and Georges Pompidou governments (1958–1974) is thought to have contributed to the "Ivorian miracle" of economic and industrial progress.^[23]

The term was subsequently borrowed by François-Xavier Verschave as the title of his 1999 criticism of French policies in Africa: La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République ({{ISBN|2-234-04948-2}}). Verschave and the association Survie, of which he was president until his death in 2005, re-used the expression of Houphouët-Boigny to name and denounce the many concealed bonds between France and Africa. He later defined Françafrique as "the secret criminality in the upper echelons of French politics and economy, where a kind of underground Republic is hidden from view". He said that it also means "France à fric" (fric is a slang word for "cash"), and that "Over the course of four decades, hundreds of thousands of euros misappropriated from debt, aid, oil, and cocoa or drained through French importing monopolies, have financed French political-business networks (all of them offshoots of the main neo-Gaullist network), shareholders' dividends, the secret services' major operations and mercenary expeditions."^[24]

Historical context

When French President Charles de Gaulle came back into power in 1958, anti-colonization movements and other international forces pressured France to give independence to the French colonies in Africa (except Algeria, whose status was separate). In the meantime De Gaulle put Jacques Foccart, one of his close friends, in charge of maintaining a de facto dependency.^[25][26] Therefore, from 1960 to 1974, Jacques Foccart held the function of chief advisor to the government of France on African policy. He was re-selected in 1986 by the new Prime Minister, Jacques Chirac, for two years.^[27] When Chirac gained the presidency in 1995 Foccart was brought back again to the Elysée palace as an advisor. Until his death Foccart never stopped being influential in French-African diplomatic relations, and it is commonly considered that he and De Gaulle were the founding fathers of the neo-colonial relationship between France and Africa.^[28] Throughout successive French governments until Sarkozy, defence of the African backyard, despite the evolution of forms and methods, has always remained a high strategic imperative.

Initially, the "Françafrique" policy was motivated by three strategic concerns:

• Economic — Provided and secured access to strategic raw materials (oil, uranium, etc.) and offered preferential investment outlets for French multinational companies. Several French-African agreements gave France 'exclusive monopoly rights to natural resources', as mentioned in the United States diplomatic cables leak many years later.^[29]
• Diplomatic — Maintained the declining status of France as a global powerhouse with a network of ally countries supporting the French vote in international institutions.
• Political — Deterred the communist expansion in Africa by backing anti-communist régimes as well as increasing the presence of French military bases on the continent.

Countries concerned

Françafrique includes all of French-speaking Africa, i.e. former French and Belgian colonies in Africa: Togo, Republic of the Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Burundi, Chad, Comoros, Gabon, Burkina Faso, Madagascar, Benin, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Niger, Djibouti, Mali, Central African Republic, Mauritania, Algeria, and also other countries like Equatorial Guinea, where France gained influence after its independence from Spain.

Not all countries are affected by Françafrique to the same extent. Petroleum dictatorships like Gabon and the Democratic Republic of Congo are the archetypes of "Françafrique"{{citation needed|date=January 2014}}. In such countries, the relationships between the leaders and the French authorities are very closely knit, given the prevalence of the Total group in the economy. The situation is similar in other autocratic countries like Togo, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad and the Central African Republic.

On the other hand, in other former colonies like the Maghreb countries or the Côte d'Ivoire, which had had a conflict relationship with France in the past, the French influence and networks are much less evident than in the countries mentioned above, even if the economic aspect shares some similarities with the practices of Françafrique {{citation needed|date=January 2014}} Lastly, democratic countries like Mali and Senegal are less concerned by this phenomenon, for both economic and historical reasons.{{citation needed|date=January 2014}}

Framework

Elysée's Africa cell

France's African policy has always been directed separately from the French foreign ministry. It is managed from the Elysée Palace, seat of the French Presidency. More precisely, French policy on Africa is managed from the Elysée’s Africa cell (at 2 rue de l’Elysée, Paris), where the President and his advisors make decisions on military support for African countries or for their ruling governments.

The Africa group's founding father Jacques Foccart was appointed by President Charles de Gaulle and after that became a specialist on African matters at the Elysée Palace. Between 1986 and 1992, Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, the son of President François Mitterrand and a former AFP journalist in Africa, held the position of chief adviser on African policy at the Elysée African cell, which got him nicknamed "Papamadi" (translated as "Daddy told me"),

and replaced it with just a diplomatic advisor on Africa but the difference in titles was only symbolic. The new mentor on African matters at the Elysée is general secretary Claude Guéant, a close aide to the president.

Underground diplomacy

The French consular network in Africa is extensive, although this is also generally the case in many other regions worldwide (France has the second most extensive consular network worldwide after the U.S.).^[30] But the "Françafrique" is more a matter of concealed networks and unofficial emissaries rather than a matter of "official" diplomacy. Around the official representative of the French interests, there is also a maze of power consisting of political leaders, businessmen, intelligence agents, and military corps or mercenaries.

Many players have combined official and unofficial activities: for example, Maurice Robert, a former intelligence agent who became the chief executive of SDECE, the French External Documentation and Counter-Espionage Service (formerly the DGSE, General Directorate for External Security) in Africa. In the ambit of his new appointment, he led many military actions in Africa, helping or deposing heads of state in accordance with French interests in these countries. More particularly, he supervised operations for the notorious mercenary Bob Denard). In 1973, he was pushed aside from the intelligence services and then directly employed by the petroleum company Elf. In 1979,\\ he was appointed French ambassador to Gabon, on the demand of President Omar Bongo of Gabon, whom he had helped to take power. In 1982, he went back to Elf where he finished his career before retirement.^[31]

Another of the most active unofficial intermediaries of the "Françafrique" is the Franco-Lebanese lawyer Robert Bourgi, close aide to the Bongo family and to many other African leaders, and also an informal advisor to President Nicolas Sarkozy. Robert Bourgi admitted that he supplanted the Secretary of State for Overseas Development, Jean-Marie Bockel. Bockel wanted to break away from the "Françafrique", and in response to a question from a journalist from Le Monde in January 2008, he said that he wanted to "sign the death certificate of Françafrique".^[32] This displeased the African dictators, who preferred to address Robert Bourgi as an intermediary. In 2009, Bourgi, on behalf of the French government, supported the presidential election of Ali Bongo Ondimba, son of former President Omar Bongo.^[33]

Development aid

French development aid in Africa is based on two organizations: the AFD (French Development Agency) which handles government-to-government funding, and PROPARCO (Promotion and Participation for Economic Cooperation, a subsidiary of the AFD) which funds the private sector in developing countries.

Today

The "Françafrique" policy came under the spotlight once more after the January 2010 attacks on Togo's national football team. France has been accused of meddling in Angolan affairs by backing of separatist groups such as Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda and harboring their leaders.^[34]

In 2010, the presidents of France's former colonies in Africa were invited for lunch at the Elysée Palace with then-president Nicolas Sarkozy. The invitation had brought a lot of criticism. Although Sarkozy had promised pension benefits to every former soldier in France's African colonies, the French association Survie felt that the French government was still looking out for its own benefits.^[35]

President François Hollande likewise maintained the promise of the previous Elysée government to end Françafrique.^[36] However, Hollande authorized military interventions in Mali, the Central African Republic and Chad, which was a departure from the previous government's policy of disengagement in Africa and a rapprochement toward Françafrique.^[20]

In February 2015, France launched AfricaFrance, a foundation headed by Lionel Zinsou and endorsed by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to 'relaunch' the relationship between France and Africa.^[37]

Quotations about "Françafrique"

• Omar Bongo, former president of Gabon: "Gabon without France is like a car with no driver. France without Gabon is like a car with no fuel..." (18 September 1996) reported during an interview for the newspaper Libération
• François Mitterrand, then the French minister of the interior: "Without Africa, France will have no history in the 21st century" (1957).^[38]
• Jacques Godfrain, former French foreign minister: "A little country [France], with a small amount of strength, we can move a planet because [of our]…relations with 15 or 20 African countries…"

See also

• France–Africa relations

Documentary:

• The French African Connection (2013), three-part documentary series by Al Jazeera

Film:

• {{Interlanguage link multi|Françafrique (documentaire)|fr}}, movie by Patrick Benquet, (2010)
• Le Professionnel, action movie by Georges Lautner (1981)
• Fratricide in Burkina: Thomas Sankara and French Africa, movie by Didier Mauro and Thuy-Tiën Ho (2008)

Music:

• Françafrique, album and song by Tiken Jah Fakoly
• Pompafric, song by Tryo
• Françafrique, song by Refused

Literature:

• {{Interlanguage link multi|Mme Bâ|fr}}, novel by Érik Orsenna (2003)

References

External links

• The French African Connection (2013), 3-part documentary series by Al Jazeera
• François-Xavier Verschave about what Françafrique means.(English)
• 50 years later Françafrique is alive and well Christophe Boisbouvier, Radio France Internationale (English)
• Africa: 50 years of independence Radio France Internationale (English)
• French foreign policy in Africa: between pré carré and multilateralism by Sylvain Touati (English)

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