1. Life

2. Career

3. The 1745 Rising

4. Aftermath and Legacy

5. References

6. Sources

Lord George Murray (1694-1760), sixth son of John Murray, 1st Duke of Atholl, was a Scottish nobleman and soldier who took part in the Jacobite rebellions of 1715 and 1719. Pardoned in 1725, he returned to Scotland, where he married and in 1739 took the Oath of Allegiance to George II.

At the outbreak of the 1745 Rising, Murray was appointed sheriff depute to Sir John Cope, government commander in Scotland but then joined the Jacobite army when it arrived in Perth on 3 September. As one of their senior commanders, he made a substantial contribution to their early success, particularly reaching and successfully returning from Derby.

However, previous links with the government meant many viewed him with suspicion, while his support for the 1707 Union set him apart from the majority of Scottish Jacobites. Combined with perceived arrogance and inability to accept advice, these combined to reduce his effectiveness.

After the Battle of Culloden in April 1746, Murray went into exile in Europe and was excluded from the 1747 Act of Indemnity. He died in the Dutch town of Medemblik in 1760 and his eldest son John later became the 3rd Duke of Atholl.

Life

Lord George Murray was born on 4 October 1694, at Huntingtower near Perth, sixth son of John Murray, Duke of Atholl (1660-1724) and his first wife, Katherine Hamilton (1662-1707). As a younger son, 'Lord' was a courtesy title.

In June 1728, he married Amelia (1710-1766), daughter of James Murray of Strowan and Glencarse. They had three sons and two daughters who survived to adulthood; John, later 3rd Duke of Atholl (1729-1774), Amelia (1732-1777), James (1734 – 19 March 1794), later a Major-General in the British army, Charlotte (?-1773)

and George (1741–1797), who reached the rank of admiral in the Royal Navy.

Career

Murray went to Glasgow University in 1711 but left to join the British army in Flanders; in March 1712 he was commissioned as a lieutenant in the Queen's, later King's Own Royal Regiment, .^[2] The War of the Spanish Succession was in its closing stages and it is unlikely he saw any action before it ended with the Peace of Utrecht in 1713.

Choice of sides was as much driven by the political contest between Whigs and Tories as it was allegiance to the Stuarts or Hanoverians. Atholl had opposed the 1707 Acts of Union but by 1715 he was a pro-Hanoverian Unionist and forbade his sons to participate in the Rebellion.^[4]

Despite this, Murray and his brothers Tullibardine (1689-1746) and Lord Charles (1691-1720) joined the Jacobite army, each commanding a clan regiment. Atholl blamed their defection on Lady Nairne (1673-1747), a committed Jacobite married to his cousin Lord William Murray (1664-1726), whose husband and sons took part in the 1715 and 1745 Risings.^[5] However, like many others, Atholl had a history of balancing both sides; he spent the 1689 Rising in England during which Blair Castle was held by a 'Jacobite' garrison under Patrick Stewart, a trusted family retainer and besieged by his eldest son John, who took great care not to damage his ancestral home.^[6]

Lord Charles was captured at the Battle of Preston and Tullibardine fought at Sheriffmuir, a battle Lord George missed, as he was collecting taxes in Fife.^[7] Sheriffmuir was inconclusive but without external support the Rebellion collapsed; Lord Charles, who still held a commission in the 5th Dragoons, was tried as a deserter and sentenced to be shot. He was pardoned but his brothers excluded and fled to France, where they lived in poverty.^[8]

In 1717, the Murrays were involved in efforts to gain support for an invasion from Sweden, then in dispute with Hanover over Pomerania and an example of the complexity caused by its ruler also being British monarch.^[9] This was resurrected as part of the 1719 Rebellion; its main component was a Spanish landing in South-West England, with a subsidiary rising in Scotland to capture Inverness and enable a Swedish naval expeditionary force to disembark.^[10]

Tullibardine and Lord George arrived in Stornoway in April 1719 where they met up with other exiles, including 300 Spanish marines under George Keith. For various reasons, only the Scottish element took place and the rebellion collapsed after defeat in the Battle of Glenshiel on 10 June; Lord George was wounded and it was not until May 1720 that he was able to escape to Rotterdam.^[11]

This seemed to end hopes of a Stuart restoration; in a letter of 16 June 1719 to the Earl of Mar, Tullibardine concluded 'it bid fair to ruin the King's Interest and faithful subjects in these parts.'^[12] Senior leaders like Bolingbroke and the Earl of Seaforth were allowed home, while James and George Keith became Prussian officers.^[13] This context explains the post-1746 bitterness towards those like Murray and Lochiel pardoned for their roles in 1715 and 1719.

Murray's activities over the next four years are obscure but included attending the Académie royale des sciences de Paris and fighting a duel with fellow Jacobite exile Campbell of Glendaruel. It has also been suggested he unsuccessfully applied for commissions in the Venetian and Savoyard armies. In 1724, he returned to Scotland to visit his dying father and was pardoned in 1725.^[14] He married, leased a small estate from his brother, James, 2nd Duke of Atholl (1690-1764) and settled down as a Scottish country gentleman. He rejected Tullibardine's suggestion that his eldest son live in France to be brought up 'in the right way,' sending him to Eton instead.^[15] In 1739, he swore the Oath of Allegiance to George II although he later claimed this was purely to help his half-brothers be elected as MPs for Perthshire.^[16]

The 1745 Rising

After Charles landed on Eriskay in July 1745, accompanied by the now elderly and sick Tullibardine, Murray was appointed sheriff depute for Perthshire and advisor to the government commander Sir John Cope. To the surprise of both sides, he joined the Jacobites when they reached Perth on 3 September, writing a long letter of self-justification to his elder brother the Duke of Atholl.^[17]

His exact reasons remain obscure; at the time, he cited the government's "corruption and bribery" and "wars all entered into for and on account of the Electors of Hanover" as necessitating "a Revolution to secure our liberties".^[18] In a letter written after the Rising, Murray said it was his "greatest honour [...] to suffer in so just and upright a cause" and complained "most people in Britain now regard neither probity nor any other virtue — all is selfish".^[19]

His acceptance of a pardon in 1725, swearing allegiance to George II in 1739 and taking a position under the same 'corrupt government' meant others viewed his actions as the opposite of virtuous and honest, including his eldest son.^[20] Many Jacobites were also suspicious and while his knowledge of Highland military customs was an asset, Murray's appointment heightened tensions between the Scots and largely Franco-Irish exiles who accompanied Charles. The most important of these was John O'Sullivan, an experienced and intelligent former French officer who as chief of staff organised the army along conventional European military lines.^[21]

There were various reasons for this, one being a generalised resentment of the exiles, who were perceived as risking relatively little. In the event of failure, the Scots faced execution as rebels and loss of titles and lands but since many of the exiles held French commissions, they would be treated as prisoners of war and exchanged. Another was Murray's poorly concealed view that Charles was a 'reckless adventurer.'^[22]

Murray considered O'Sullivan's expectations of the Highland recruits unrealistic, including formal drill and enacting written orders, while the exiles viewed this as outdated. There was some truth in both positions; many Scots served in European armies, while a second battalion of the Royal Ecossaise was raised in Perth and performed well. However, these came from the relatively urbanised Lowlands; the military aspects of clan society had been in decline for over a century and most Highland recruits were illiterate farmworkers.^[23]

Sir John MacDonald, Franco-Irish commander of cavalry, later wrote Murray's strategic vision was jeopardised by his ignorance of tactical execution; the failed night march before Culloden is a good example.^[24] MacDonald's perspective was echoed by James Johnstone, Murray's aide and usually an admirer, who recorded his talents were offset by a quick temper, arrogance and inability to take advice.^[25] This was demonstrated by the furious argument with Charles prior to the Battle of Prestonpans; his rejection of a frontal assault in favour of attacking Cope's left flank proved correct, the approach caused deep offence.^[26]

In general, Murray's views were often well-founded, if not always correct, but poorly presented. His opinion of Charles was widely shared and was why MacDonald of Sleat refused to join the rebellion; French envoy d’Éguilles was so unimpressed, he later suggested a Scots Republic was preferable to a Stuart restoration.^[27] On the other hand, while most Scots shared his opposition to invading England, they did so because they felt dissolving the Union was now achievable; Murray wanted to retain it, which begs the question of what his objectives were. Finally, his proposal to remove Catholics from positions of command made sense in propaganda terms but as Charles and most of his exile advisors were Catholic, it was understandably seen as an attempt to seize control of the rebellion.^[28]

Despite their doubts, the Scots agreed to the invasion, largely because Charles told them that he had received personal assurances of both English and French support. O'Sullivan felt their army was too small to conquer England but lack of recruits and money made action imperative; Edinburgh had been 'devastated for 30 miles around' by Jacobite foragers and the prisoners taken at Prestonpans were released because they could not feed them. Shortly after entering England, Charles received reports of pro-Hanoverian 'disorders' in Edinburgh and Perth, connected to celebrations for George II's birthday on 9 November.^[29]

Murray selected a route through North-West England, an area strongly Jacobite in 1715; the first stop was Carlisle, which surrendered on 14 November. He then resigned his command, ostensibly because Charles refused to rotate troops besieging the castle, but in reality because he was unhappy about serving under his fellow lieutenant-general, the well-liked but inexperienced Catholic Duke of Perth.^[30]

Perth gracefully resigned and Murray reinstated but it further damaged his relationship with Charles, which was then comprehensively destroyed by the decision to retreat made at Derby on 5 December. Charles blamed him for the rest of his life but many Scots wanted to turn back at Carlisle, Preston and Manchester, continuing only when Murray persuaded them otherwise. In an era when a gentleman's word was his bond, it is also hard to overstate the damage caused when Charles admitted he lied about assurances of support given at Edinburgh and Manchester.^[31]

The retreat was conducted with the same tactical efficiency as the advance; Murray led a successful rearguard action against government dragoons on the night of 18 December at Clifton Moor. While the invasion achieved little, reaching Derby and returning was a considerable military achievement. Strengthened by new recruits and the arrival of Irish and Scottish French regulars, the Jacobites besieged Stirling Castle. They dispersed a relief force at the Battle of Falkirk Muir on 17 January but abandoned the siege shortly afterwards and withdrew to Inverness.^[32]

Siege warfare was not part of the traditional pattern of Highland warfare, while campaigns stopped in the winter months; the trickle of clansmen returning home turned into a flood after Falkirk. Murray's own Atholl Brigade was particularly affected: "For God's sake make examples", Murray urged Tullibardine on 27 January, "or we shall be undone".^[33] The decision to retreat was approved by the vast majority but Murray later noted "I was mostly blamed for it".^[34] Between 14 and 17 March, he carried out the Atholl raids, which were intended to support his argument that guerrilla warfare was a better strategic choice. While locally successful, these did little to improve the overall position and by spring, the Jacobites were short of money, food and weapons.^[35]

When Cumberland advanced north from Aberdeen on 8 April, the leadership agreed battle was the best option; the choice of location has been debated ever since but defeat was a combination of factors.^[36] Exhausted by a failed night march suggested by Murray in an attempt to surprise Cumberland's army, many of their troops missed the Battle of Culloden on 16 April, which ended in a decisive government victory.^[37]

Over the next two days, an estimated 1,500 survivors assembled at Ruthven Barracks but on 20 April, Charles ordered them to disperse until he returned with additional support. He left for France in September and never returned to Scotland, although the collapse of his relationship with the Scots always made this unlikely.^[38] Tullibardine was captured and died in the Tower of London in July, while Murray escaped to the Dutch Republic in December 1746.

Aftermath and Legacy

In March 1747, Murray journeyed to Rome for an audience with James, who granted him a pension. Charles asked his father to imprison him and the two never met again, though Murray continued to write both to Charles and to his secretary reiterating his loyalty. His wife Amelia later joined him in exile and after travelling around Europe, they eventually settled in Medemblik where Murray died on 11 October 1760. Despite his attainder, his son succeeded James Murray as Duke of Atholl in 1764.

Unlike many of his colleagues, Murray claimed his motivation was not Scottish nationalism but 'that the prestige of Great Britain should be upheld among the nations of the world.'^[39] This suggests the Hanoverians' greatest failing in his eyes was being foreign, an attribute shared by Charles, a young man brought up in Italy whose first language was French.^[40]

Much of the past historiography of the Rising focused on allocating responsibility for defeat, with Murray's role over-emphasised at the expense of his colleagues, O'Sullivan in particular.^[41] In reality, the real surprise is that the Jacobites achieved as much as they did; as James Maxwell of Kirkconnell later wrote "it's no wonder [Charles] did so little, but it's amazing that he did so much".^[42]

Perhaps the best summary of Murray's character and abilities is given by historian Murray Pittock: If we do not take temperament for achievement, it may be more fairly said that Lord George Murray was a brave, petulant, and gifted - though conservative — field commander.^[43]

References

Sources

• {{cite book |last1=Atholl, Duke of (ed) |first1=John |title=The Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families; Volume II |date=1907 |publisher=Ballentyne Press}}
• {{cite book |last1=Blaikie Murdoch |first1=William Garden |title=The Spirit of Jacobite Loyalty: An Essay Toward a Better Understanding of "The Forty Five" |date=1907 |publisher=Brown |isbn=978-1141617524}}
• {{cite book |last1=Dalton |first1=Charles |title=English army lists and commission registers, 1661-1714 Volume VI |date=1904 |publisher=Eyre and Spottiswood}}
• {{cite book|last1=Dickson|first1=William Kirk|title=The Jacobite Attempt of 1719; Letters of the Duke of Ormonde to Cardinal Alberoni|date=1895}}
• {{cite book |last1=Ehrenstein von |first1=Christoph |title=Erskine, John, styled twenty-second or sixth earl of Mar and Jacobite duke of Mar (1675-1732), Jacobite army officer, politician, and architect |date=2004 |publisher=Oxford DNB}}
• {{cite book |last1=Henshaw |first1=Victoria |title=Scotland and the British Army, 1700-1750: Defending the Union |date=2014 |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |isbn=978-1474269261}}
• {{cite book|last1=Lenman|first1=Bruce|title=The Jacobite Risings in Britain 1689-1746|date=1980|publisher=Eyre Methuen|isbn=0413396509}}
• {{cite book |last1=Mackillop |first1=Andrew |title=Military Recruiting in the Scottish Highlands 1739–1815: the Political, Social and Economic Context. |date=1995 |publisher=PHD Thesis University of Glasgow |oclc=59608677}}
• {{cite book |last1=McLynn |first1=FJ |title=The Jacobite Army in England, 1745-46: The Final Campaign |date=1983 |publisher=John Donald Publishers |isbn=978-0859760935}}
• {{cite journal |last1=McLynn |first1=FJ |title=Issues and motives in the Jacobite rising of 1745 |journal=The Eighteenth Century |date=Spring 1982 |volume=23 |issue=2}}
• {{cite journal |last1=McLynn |first1=Frank |authorlink=Frank McLynn |title=An Eighteenth-Century Scots Republic? An Unlikely Project from Absolutist France |date=October 1980 |pages=177–181 |journal=The Scottish Historical Review |volume=59 |issue=168 |jstor=25529380}}
• {{cite book |last1=Pittock |first1=Murray |title=Murray, Lord George (1690-1760) |date=2006 |publisher=Oxford DNB}}
• {{cite book |last1=Reid |first1=Stuart |title=The Scottish Jacobite Army 1745–46 |date=2006 |publisher=Osprey |isbn=978-1846030734}}
• {{cite journal|last1=Szechi, Daniel|first1=Sankey, Margaret|title=Elite Culture and the Decline of Scottish Jacobitism 1716-1745|journal=Past & Present|date=November 2001|volume=173}}
• {{cite book |last1=Tayler |first1=Henrietta |title=A Jacobite Miscellany: Eight Original Papers on the Rising of 1745-6 |date=1948 |publisher=Roxburghe Club}}
• {{cite book |last1=Tomasson, Katherine |first1=Buist, Francis |title=Battles of the Forty-five |date=1978 |publisher=HarperCollins Distribution Services |isbn=978-0713407693}}

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