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词条 Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum
释义

  1. Family background

  2. Political career

      Aedile (169 BC)    Role at Pydna (168 BC)    First Consulship (162 BC)    Censorship (159 BC)    Second Consulship (155 BC)    Opposition to Cato over Carthage (153–149 BC)    Later years (147–141 BC)  

  3. Stemma of the Cornelii Scipiones

  4. References

  5. Bibliography

      Ancient sources    Modern sources  

Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum (born c.206 – died c.141 BC) was a politician of the Roman Republic. Born into the illustrious family of the Cornelii Scipiones, he was one of the most important Roman statesmen of the second century BC, being consul two times in 162 and 155 BC, censor in 159 BC, pontifex maximus (chief priest) in 150 BC, and finally princeps senatus (leader of the Senate) in 147 BC. Apart from his family network, he owed his success to his military skills, as he played a decisive role during the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC, and later won a triumph over the Dalmatae in 155 BC. Corculum was remembered as a staunch conservative, defender of the ancestral Roman customs against political and cultural innovations, notably Hellenism. In spite of his political influence, he could not prevent his rival Cato the Elder from gathering enough support in the Senate to declare the final war on Carthage in 149 BC. At this occasion, Corculum also clashed with his famous cousin Scipio Aemilianus, who destroyed Carthage in 146 BC.

Friedrich Münzer said he was "indisputably the most eminent man in Rome" in the 140s BC.[1]

Family background

Corculum belonged to the patrician gens Cornelia, which was the foremost gens of the Republic in terms of consulships (the Cornelii had obtained 42 consulships before him).[2] The Scipiones formed one of the two main stirpes of the Cornelii—the other being the Lentulii; they had received 14 consulships since Publius Cornelius Maluginensis Scipio, consul in 395 and founder of the family. Corculum was the son of Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica (consul in 191), grandson of Gnaeus Conrelius Scipio Calvus (consul in 222) who died during the Second Punic War. In addition, he was the cousin of the famous Scipio Africanus (who defeated Hannibal), and Asiaticus (who defeated Antiochos III). Africanus was the most important politician of his time, twice consul and princeps senatus.

Corculum married his second cousin Cornelia Africana Major, eldest daughter of Scipio Africanus. They were betrothed in Africanus' lifetime, but married after his death in 183.[3][4][5] This marriage was very profitable for Corculum as he received a dowry of 25 silver talents.

The Scipiones used a number of personal nicknames to distinguished themselves from the many other prominent men of the family.[6] His father used the agnomen Nasica ("nosed"), which was retained by his descendants—including Corculum—as a second cognomen. The agnomen Corculum is unique in Roman history; it is probably an archaic Latin word meaning "intellectual giftedness" or "cleverness". It is not known how Corculum received this nickname, but it perhaps derives from his ingenious military strategies.[7]

Cicero speaks highly of him and tells he was an "an able orator", but it seems that Corculum's speeches were already lost by his time.[8][9][10] He and Aurelius Victor add that Corculum was a respect jurist, specialised in civil and pontifical law.[11][12] Some scholars thought that he was even given by the state a house on the Via Sacra to be consulted by the people more easily, but this honour was given to his father.[13][14][15]

Political career

Aedile (169 BC)

Corculum's first known magistracy is that of curule aedile in 169.[16] Together with his colleague Publius Cornelius Lentulus (the future consul of 162), they funded the most lavish circus games ever seen so far, which included 63 panthers, 40 bears and elephants.[17] Livy does not tell the nature of the show; it could have been staged hunts (venatio), or a simple parade of animals.[18][19] The aediles benefited from a law passed the previous year by the tribune of the plebs Gnaeus Aufidius, which allowed importation of beasts from Africa for the circus games.[20][21] The ban on such imports might have been justified by the fear that they could enrich Carthage, from where they were bought—a policy perhaps sponsored by Cato.[22][23] These ostentatious games contradict the firm conservative stance of his later career so much that some scholars think it could have an addition by an hostile annalist.

Role at Pydna (168 BC)

The following year, Corculum was picked by the consul Lucius Aemilius Paullus to serve as military tribune in his army during the Third Macedonian War.[25] Paullus was also the brother-in-law of Africanus, and his gens was allied with the Cornelii for a long time. The war had started in 171 after king Perseus of Macedon had allegedly tried to assassinate Rome's ally Eumenes II of Pergamon.[26] Perseus managed to defend his kingdom rather well for three years, but in 168 Rome decided to muster a strong army under Paullus to put an end to the conflict.

Most of what is known of the final military operations of the Third Macedonian War derives from two lost—and conflicting—sources, quoted by later classical writers. The first is the account of Polybius, who talked to several witnesses of the war (Romans and Macedonians); his story was notably followed by Livy. The second account is a letter written by Corculum himself and addressed to a king, probably Massinissa of Numidia, as the Cornelii had ties with him since Scipio Africanus.[27] This letter was used by Plutarch in his Life of Aemilius, who notes the discrepancies with Polybius. The letter is considered by some scholars to be one of the first Roman autobiographies.[28] Opinions on the letter have widely diverged among modern historians; some consider it to be a faithful account of the events, while others have rejected it as an act of self-advertising, with further opinions in-between.

Perseus had fortified the left bank of the Elpeus River to prevent Paullus from crossing it. However, Paullus designed a circling movement around Mount Olympus to flank Perseus. Nasica volunteered to head this operation, as well as Quintus Fabius Maximus Aemilianus (Paullus' natural son, adopted into the Fabii).[29][30] He was guided by two Greek merchants and took with him between 5,000 and 8,320 men. At first he faked a movement to the sea, but once at Heracleum he told his staff the real purpose of the mission, and moved by night to Pythium (in the night of 17 and 18 June 168). Perseus was allegedly informed of the turning movement by a Cretan deserter, and sent a troop to guard Pythium, which controlled the passage to the plain of Pydna, while he was retreating northward to a more secure position. Corculum nevertheless successfully took Pythium in the early morning of 20 June 168, perhaps because the garrison was still asleep. He then completed the turning around Mount Olympus and met with Paullus, who had marched north, on 21 June.[31] The rocky terrain was now unfavourable to the compact Macedonian phalanx, while the more flexible Roman maniples had the advantage, and they won the celebrated victory of Pydna.

In the Roman headquarters, Corculum urged Paullus to attack Perseus, but the consul rejected Corculum's request, without blaming him.[32]

After the war, the city of Amphipolis erected a statue in his honour in its gymnasium.[33][34]{{Campaignbox Third Macedonian War}}

First Consulship (162 BC)

Corculum became consul for the first time in 162, alongside the plebeian Gaius Marcius Figulus.[35] Cassiodorus—who relied on Livy for his list of consuls—describes him as the consul prior, which means the centuriate assembly elected him before Figulus.[36][37] Corculum was assigned the province of Corsica, while Figulus departed to Gaul. However, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus—the previous consul who had presided over their election—realised after their departure that he had not conducted the auspices correctly; the senate therefore decided to recall the consuls and organise new consular elections. Although Gracchus was Corculum's brother-in-law (he had married another daughter of Scipio Africanus), political motivations were probably behind this event, but the sources do not elaborate on these reasons.[38][39][40] The new consuls were Lentulus—Corculum's former colleague in 169 and 165—and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus.[41]

Modern scholars do not believe the "official" explanation of Corculum's removal found in ancient sources, and see instead an intrigue against him. Scullard postulates that Gracchus had some interests in Corsica and Sardinia, and wanted to keep Corculum out of his clientele.[42] Briscoe thinks that there were some unknown disagreement among the Cornelii Scipiones, and that Corculum clashed with the rest of the family; Gracchus was at this time very close to the Scipiones Africani and might have acted against his brother-in-law. It would explain several later cases of tensions between the Nasicae and the Africani.[43]

Censorship (159 BC)

In 159 Corculum was elected censor prior with the plebeian Marcus Popillius Laenas, despite his abortive consulship.[44] The censors completed the 54th lustrum, and registered 328,316 Roman citizens, almost 9.000 less than the previous lustrum of 164. Aulus Gellius reports an anecdote on demotion of a knight by the censors during the census, because his horse was not well-fed, and its owner answered the censors disrespectfully.[45][46] They also re-appointed for the fifth time Marcus Aemilius Lepidus as princeps senatus.[47][48]

As for his building program, Corculum installed the first water clock at Rome in a dedicated building; the Romans had to hitherto rely solely on sundials.[49] He also removed all the statues of men placed around the Forum that had been built without an instruction from the Senate or a people's assembly.[50] The bronze statue of Spurius Cassius Viscellinus—who had been sentenced to death for seeking regal power in 485—was even melted down.[51][52] This decision was taken in a context of increased control on public morality, notably marked by the Lex Fannia of 161, a sumptuary law which restricted ostentatious banquets.[53]

Second Consulship (155 BC)

Corculum was elected consul a second time in 155, together with the plebeian Marcus Claudius Marcellus—former consul in 166, and the grandson of the great Claudius Marcellus.[54] Corculum was once again described as consul prior by Cassiodorus.[36] This election broke the ten-year-rule fixed by the Lex Villia, which forbade iterations of a magistracy within ten years. Since Corculum's short-lived colleague in 162 Marcius Figulus was also elected consul in 156, both former consuls must have argued that they were not really concerned by the Lex Villia as their consulship had been cancelled.[55][56]

The Senate sent Marcellus against the Ligures, Corculum against the Dalmatae in Illyria.[57] The First Dalmatian War had been triggered in 156 by an attack of the Dalmatae on the Illyrians, allied to Rome, and their treatment of an embassy of Gaius Fannius Strabo (consul in 161). In addition, Polybius gave the contemptuous explanation that the senate wanted to give some exercise to the army, possibly because he was opposed to this war.[58][59] Figulus—the consul for 156—was initially defeated by the Dalmatae, but then besieged their capital of Delminium (now near Tomislavgrad in Bosnia, but different from the Roman Delminium).[60][61][62] Corculum took over the command at this point and captured Delmnium, which he completely destroyed and sold its inhabitants to slavery.[63][64][65] However, Appian and Florus do not mention Corculum at all, and ascribe the whole campaign to Figulus, while Frontinus and Zonaras make Corculum the only Roman commander of the war.[66] As Corculum was awarded a triumph, but not Figulus, the former must have completed the campaign.[67] The influence and fame of the Cornelii Scipiones, as well as a possible historical account of the campaign by Corculum himself (as he did after Pydna), may explain why he alone received the triumph and was remembered as the winner of the war by some ancient historians—who omitted Figulus, apparently behind most of the campaign.[68]

The confused accounts of Aurelius Victor and Lucius Ampelius, who say that Corculum refused the triumph, are denied by the Fasti Triumphales.[11][69][70] Velleius Paterculus also tells that Corculum built porticoes on the Capitol around the Temple of Jupiter.[71][72] They were located besides the arch built by Scipio Africanus, and therefore gave the Scipiones a strong presence on the Capitol. Paterculus further mentions that they were erected during his censorship (in 159), but this kind of building typically followed a successful campaign and should be dated after Corculum's triumph.[73]

The next year (154) Corculum opposed the construction of a theatre in Rome by the censors Gaius Cassius Longinus and Marcus Valerius Messala, and passed a senatus consultum ordering the destruction of the structures already built.[74][75][76][77] A firm protector of Roman morality, he considered that Romans had to watch plays standing, as remaining seated was associated with the idleness of the Greeks.[78] There seems to have been a concerted policy of reducing the growing influence of Hellenism at Rome, since Cato the Elder also expelled several Greek philosophers the same year.[79] The Romans had to wait until the construction of the Theatre of Pompey in 55 to have a permanent structure in stone to watch plays.[80] The place of the theatre of Longinus and Messala was later reused to build the Theatre of Marcellus.[81] This decree—or another—also banned seated stands for games within a radius of one mile from outside the city.[82][11] Hoffmann thinks that Corculum—who was a pontiff—wanted to prevent the "secularisation" of theatrical games, which were closely connected to sacred festivals and usually took places near temples.[83] Another reason advanced by modern scholars is that Corculum tried to avoid the danger of creating a permanent place that could have been used for political gatherings—as in Greece political meetings often took place in theatres.[9][84][85]

Opposition to Cato over Carthage (153–149 BC)

Towards the end of the 150s, Corculum clashed with the other champion of Roman morality—Cato the Elder—over the war against Carthage. Their rivalry started after Cato visited Africa in 153 as member of an embassy sent to arbiter between Massinissa and Carthage, since the former encroached on the lands of the latter.[86] Cato was impressed by the prosperity of the Punic city and noticed that it had "lots of timber", which could be used to build ships in order to make war against Rome.[87][88][89] From this point on, Cato advocated the destruction of Carthage, and concluded all his speeches on any subject with the famous word "Carthage must be destroyed".[90]

Ancient authors tell Corculum argued that the loss of Rome's hereditary enemy would result in the decline of Roman morals and discipline, and bring social division, because the fear of Carthage kept the Romans in check.[91][92] Using the same rhetorical trick as Cato, he ended all his speeches by saying that Carthage had to be saved.[93][10] Cato had actually developed the same argument as Corculum when he spoke against the destruction of Rhodes after it had supported Perseus.[94][95][96] Lintott thinks that this argument was developed by ancient historians after the Gracchi to explain the hundred years of social crisis that happened in Rome once Carthage destroyed.[97] Corculum's real arguments were rapidly lost in ancient times, but since his opposition to the war was universally known, Greek and Roman historians invented this story to make sense of his opposition to the war, which gave a prophetic tone to his warning against division. Adcock shows that Corculum favoured the traditional Roman foreign policy of balance of powers, against the new "brute force" policy emerging in this decade (like Carthage, Corinth was razed in 146).[98][99]Initially Corculum had enough support in the senate to reject Cato's proposal. It seems that in 152 he headed an embassy sent to mediate between Carthage and Massinissa.[100] While blaming the Carthaginians for their military built-up, he forced the Numidians to withdraw from some of the territories they had conquered, which temporarily removed the threat of a war in the area.[101][102][103] Corculum's influence can also be measured by the fact that in 150 he was chosen pontifex maximus—the most important priesthood.[109] Carthage nonetheless attacked the army of Massinissa in 150, thus breaching the treaty of 201, which stated that Carthage could not wage war without Rome's ascent; it gave Rome a casus belli on Carthage, which finally declared war in the beginning of 149.[104]

In addition to this casus belli, several facts explain how Cato won the decision. Firstly, the princeps senatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus had died in 152; like Corculum, he favoured prudent diplomacy, and his influence was missed in the senate.[105] Secondly, Corculum was not in Rome in 149, but in Greece, in order to investigate the situation after the Macedonian Andriskos had revolted against Rome, and claimed to be Perseus' son; Corculum organised the defence there by levying an army of Achaean soldiers to hold until a Roman army was sent in 148.[106][107][108][109] Münzer suggests he was sent abroad to weaken the opposition to the war in the senate.[110] Astin furthermore remarks that the decisive support for Cato came from Scipio Aemilianus—several later accounts underline their mutual respect—who could capitalise on the illustrious fame of his grandfather Scipio Africanus to get a majority of senators in favour of the destruction of Carthage.[111] Aemilianus and some other leading senators were probably attracted by the glory and enormous booty they could get by taking Carthage.[112] He may even have sabotaged the peace negotiations between Massinissa and Carthage in 150, in order to make a Roman intervention more likely.[113] Besides, Aemilianus was the friend of Manius Manilius—the consul of 149 who started the operations against Carthage—and personally directed the final assault on the Punic city (in 146).[114] Zonaras wrongly tells that at this occasion Corculum advised sparing the Carthaginians.[115]

Later years (147–141 BC)

In 147 Corculum was appointed princeps senatus, which made him the most influential senator, despite his failure against Cato.[91][116] Ryan says that Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Lupus was the censor behind his appointment, as he is the only known senator to have supported his stance on Carthage.[117][118] Corculum was re-appointed princeps in 142 by the censors Scipio Aemilianus and Lucius Mummius Achaicus.[119] Corculum and his predecessor Marcus Aemilius Lepidus were the only two men who held both the offices of leader of the senate and chief priest.[120]

Corculum possibly died in 141—perhaps of the plague that broke out the previous year in Rome—because his son Nasica Serapio succeeded him as pontifex maximus that year.[121][122][123] Such a succession at the head of the Roman religion was unprecedented.[124] However, neither Corculum's son (consul in 138), nor his grandson (consul in 111, also named Serapio) became princeps senatus, contrary to what Diodorus and Valerius Maximus tell.[91][125][126] Nasica Serapio continued his father's hostility towards Scipio Aemilianus, as he married his son (the consul in 111) to the daughter of Quintus Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, one of Aemilianus' opponents.[127]

Stemma of the Cornelii Scipiones

The relations with the allied families of the Sempronii Gracchi, Aemilii Paulli, and Caecilii Metelli are also shown. Only magistracies attested with certainty in Broughton's Magistrates of the Roman Republic have been mentioned. The doted lines show adoptions from natural fathers. The name "Cornelius" is implied for all the men named Scipio except for Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio Nasica.[128][129]

Legend
CENS|CENS=Yellow|boxstyle_CENS=background-color:#ff9;}}{{chart/end}}CensorCONS|CONS=Green|boxstyle_CONS=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{chart/end}}Consul
{{familytree/start|align=center}}{{family tree|||||||||||||PC|||PC=P. Maluginensis
Scipio
cos. 395|boxstyle_PC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree|||||||||||,|-|-|^|-|.}}{{family tree||||||||||PC|||LC|PC=P. Scipio
Mag. eq. 350|LC=L. Scipio
cos. 350|boxstyle_LC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree||||||||||||||||!}}{{family tree|||||||||||||||CnC|CnC=Cn. Scipio}}{{family tree||||||||||||||||!}}{{family tree|||||||||||||||PC|PC=L. Scipio Barbatus
cos 298|boxstyle_PC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree||||||||||||,|-|-|-|^|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|.}}{{family tree|||||||||||LC||||||||||||MnP||CnC|LC=L. Scipio
cos. 259|MnP=M'. Pomponius
Matho
cos. 233|CnC=Cn. Scipio
Asina
cos. 260, 254|boxstyle_LC=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_MnP=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_CnC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree||||||,|-|-|-|-|-|^|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|-|.||||!||||!}}{{family tree|||||CnC||||||||LA||||PC1|y|PO||PC2|CnC=Cn. Scipio Calvus
cos. 222|LA=L. Aemilius Paullus
cos. 219, 216|PC1=P. Scipio
cos. 218|PO=Pomponia|PC2=P. Scipio Asina
cos. 221|boxstyle_PC1=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_LA=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_PC2=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_CnC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree|||,|-|-|+|-|-|-|.||||,|-|^|-|.||||,|-|^|-|-|-|-|-|.}}{{family tree|CnC||PC1||CO||LA|7|AE|y|PC2||||||LC|CnC=Cn. Scipio
Hispallus
cos. 176|PC1=P. Scipio Nasica
cos. 191|CO=Cornelia|PC2=P. Scipio Africanus
cos. 205, 194
cens. 199|LA=L. Aemilius Paullus
Macedonicus
cos. 182, 168
cens. 164|AE=Aemilia
Tertia|LC=L. Scipio
Asiaticus
cos. 190|boxstyle_PC1=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_LA=background-color:#ff9;|boxstyle_PC2=background-color:#ff9;|boxstyle_CnC=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_LC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree|||!|||!||||,|-|-|-|v|-|*|-|v|-|^|-|.||||||||!}}{{family tree|CnC||PC1|y|CO1||LC1|:|PC2||CO2|y|TS||LC2|CnC=Cn. Scipio
Hispanus
pr. 139|PC1=P. Scipio
Nasica Corculum
cos. 162, 155
cens. 159|PC2=P. Scipio Africanus
aug. 180|LC1=L. Scipio
Africanus
pr. 174|CO1=Cornelia
Africana
Major|CO2=Cornelia
Africana|TS=Tib. Sempronius
Gracchus
cos. 177, 163|LC2=L. Scipio
quaes. 167|boxstyle_PC1=background-color:#ff9;|boxstyle_TS=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree|||!|||||!||||||||L|~|[||||,|-|+|-|.||||)|-|-|.}}{{family tree|CnC||||PC1||QM||||PC2|~|SE|!|TS||LC||CAC|CnC=Cn. Scipio
pr. c.109|QM=Q. Caecilius Metellus
Macedonicus
cos. 143; cens. 131|PC1=P. Scipio
Nasica Serapio
cos. 138|PC2=P. Scipio Aemilianus
cos. 147, 134
cens. 142|SE=Sempronia|TS=Tib. Sempronius
Gracchus
tr. pl. 133|LC=L. Cornelius
Scipio|CAC=Scipio
Asiagenus
Comatus|boxstyle_PC1=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_PC2=background-color:#ff9;|boxstyle_QM=background-color:#ff9;}}{{family tree||||||||!||||!||||||||||||!||||||!}}{{family tree|||||||PC1|y|CM||||||||||CS||||LC||||PC1=P. Scipio
Nasica Serapio
cos. 111|CM=Caecilia
Metella|CS=C. Sempronius
Gracchus
tr. pl. 123, 122|LC=L. Scipio
Asiaticus
cos. 83|CAC=Scipio
Asiagenus
Comatus|boxstyle_PC1=background-color:#BCF5A9;|boxstyle_LC=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree||||||||||!||||||||||||||||||,|-|^|-|.|}}{{family tree|||||QM||PC1||||||||||||||||LC||CO|PC1=P. Scipio Nasica
pr. 93|QM=Q. Caecilius
Metellus Pius
cos. 80|LC=L. Scipio|CO=Cornelia|boxstyle_QM=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree||||||]|~|~|~|J||||||||||}}{{family tree|||||QM||PC1=P. Scipio Nasica
pr. 93|QM=Q. Caecilius Metellus
Pius Scipio Nasica
cos. 52|boxstyle_QM=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{family tree||||||!|}}{{family tree|PL|~|CO|~|CnP|PL=P. Licinius
Crassus
leg. 54, 53|CO=Cornelia Metella|CnP=Cn. Pompeius
Magnus
cos. 70, 55, 52|boxstyle_CnP=background-color:#BCF5A9;}}{{familytree/end}}

References

1. ^Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 231.
2. ^Fasti Consulares.
3. ^Polybius, xxxi. 26.
4. ^Livy, xxxviii. 57.
5. ^Sumner, Orators, pp. 60, 61.
6. ^Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 353.
7. ^Wheeler, "'Sapiens' and Stratagems", pp. 189–190.
8. ^Cicero, Brutus, 79. He says "we are told [he] was esteemed an able orator".
9. ^Rawson, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. VIII, p. 470.
10. ^Vasaly, Representations, p. 120 (note 46).
11. ^Aurelius Victor, 44.
12. ^Bauman, Lawyers, p. 95.
13. ^Digest, i. 2 § 2. 37 (extract from Pomponius, with the wrong praenomen Gaius).
14. ^Wheeler, "'Sapiens' and Stratagems", p. 190 (note 98).
15. ^Mignone, Republican Aventine, p. 78 (note 2).
16. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 424.
17. ^Livy, xliv. 18.
18. ^Futrell, Blood in the Arena, pp. 26–28.
19. ^Briscoe, Commentary, books 41–45, p. 522.
20. ^Pliny, viii. 64.
21. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 420, 423 (note 6), who although says that this tribune could be placed at the end of the 2nd century.
22. ^Scullard, Roman Politics, p. 226.
23. ^Futrell, Blood in the Arena, p. 28.
24. ^Hoover, Handbook of Coins of Macedon, Part I, p. 411.
25. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 429.
26. ^Derow, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. VIII, p. 307.
27. ^J. W. Rich, Fragments of the Roman Historians, vol. I, p. 637.
28. ^Political Autobiographies
29. ^Livy, lxiv. 35.
30. ^Plutarch, Aemilius, 15, 16.
31. ^Walbank, Commentary on Polybius, vol. III, pp. 381–384.
32. ^Livy, lxiv. 36.
33. ^Ma, Statues and Cities, p. 90.
34. ^Nigdelis & Anagnostoudis, "Honorific Inscriptions", pp. 295–305. The authors also develop the possibility that the inscription refers to Scipio Aemilianus, but favour Scipio Corculum in the end.
35. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 441, 442.
36. ^Cassiodorus, Chronica.
37. ^Taylor & Broughton, "The Order of the Two Consuls' Names", p. 6.
38. ^Valerius Maximus, i. 1 § 3.
39. ^Plutarch, Marcellus, 5.
40. ^Szemler, Priests of the Roman Republic, p. 46.
41. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 442.
42. ^Scullard, Roman Politics, p. 227.
43. ^Briscoe, "Eastern Policy", pp. 68, 69; "Tiberius Gracchus", pp. 133–135.
44. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 445, 446.
45. ^Gellius, Attic Nights, iv. 20 § 11, 12.
46. ^Harries, Cicero and the Jurists, p. 88.
47. ^Livy, Periochae, 46, 47.
48. ^Ryan, Rank and Participation, pp. 180 (note 66), 181.
49. ^Pliny, vii. 215.
50. ^Briscoe, Fragments of the Roman Historians, vol. I, p. 219.
51. ^Pliny, xxxiv. 30, citing Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi.
52. ^Champion, Cultural Politics, p. 190.
53. ^Rosivach, "Lex Fannia", pp. 1–15.
54. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 448.
55. ^Astin, Scipio Aemilianus, p. 38.
56. ^Martin Jehne, "The rise of the consular as a social type", in Consuls and Res Publica, p. 227 (note 75).
57. ^Livy, Periochae, 47.
58. ^Polybius, xxxii. 9, 13.
59. ^Dzino, Illyricum, p. 63.
60. ^Florus, Epitome, ii. 25.
61. ^Appian, Illyrian Wars, 11.
62. ^Šašel Kos, Appian, pp. 303–306.
63. ^Frontinus, Stratagems, iii. 6 § 2.
64. ^Strabo, vii. 5 § 5.
65. ^Wilkes, Illyrians, pp. 189, 190.
66. ^Zonaras, xx. 25.
67. ^Fasti Triumphales.
68. ^Šašel Kos, Appian, pp. 300–302.
69. ^Ampelius, xix. 11.
70. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 449 (note 1).
71. ^Velleius Paterculus, ii. 1 § 2, ii. 3 § 1.
72. ^Rodocanachi, Roman Capitol, p. 29.
73. ^Davies, Architecture, pp. 128, 296 (notes 359–361). Davies rejects Paterculus' datation to instead place the construction of the porticoes in 155.
74. ^Livy, Periochae, 48 § 25.
75. ^Velleius Paterculus, i. 15.
76. ^Orosius, iv. 21 § 4.
77. ^Briscoe, Fragments of the Roman Historians, vol. I, pp. 219, 220.
78. ^Appian, Bellum Civile, i. 28.
79. ^Champion, Peace of the Gods, p. 187 (note 31).
80. ^J. P. Morel, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. VIII, p. 510.
81. ^Briscoe, Commentary on Livy, books 38–40, p. 542.
82. ^Valerius Maximus, ii. 4 § 2.
83. ^Hoffmann, "Römische Politik", p. 338 (note 74).
84. ^Manuwald, Republican Theatre, pp. 58–60.
85. ^Champion, Cultural Politics, pp. 217, 218.
86. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 453.
87. ^Livy, Periochae, 47.
88. ^Plutarch, Cato the Elder, 26.
89. ^Badian, Foreign Clientelae, pp. 130–132. Badian gives a summary of what the sources tell us, but shows they are confused and contradictory.
90. ^Astin, Cato, pp. 267–288. Astin discusses in lengths Cato's views on foreign policy, but does not give a real reason for his obsession against Carthage (cf. notably p. 287).
91. ^Diodorus, xxxiv–xxxv. 33.
92. ^Lintott, "Expansion and Moral Decline", pp. 632, 633.
93. ^Plutarch, Cato the Elder, 27.
94. ^Fragments 163 and 164 of Polybius, cited by Lintott, "Expansion and Moral Decline", p. 633.
95. ^Astin, Cato the Censor, p. 283.
96. ^Walbank, Commentary on Polybius, vol. I, p. 697, who cites other precedents.
97. ^Lintott, "Expansion and Moral Decline", p. 638.
98. ^Adcock, "Delenda Est Carthago", pp. 126–128.
99. ^Vogel-Weidemann, "Carthago Delenda Est", p. 88. The author supports the view that the Third Punic War marked a change in Roman foreign policy. She also summarises (pp. 79–88) the large number of different views on the subject among modern historians. There is still no academic consensus on the causes of the Third Punic War, which appears completely irrational, as the (fragmentary) justifications of the war detailed by ancient authors make no sense.
100. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 454.
101. ^Livy, Periochae, 48 § 5, 6.
102. ^Zonaras, ix. 26.
103. ^Walsh, "Massinissa", p. 159.
104. ^Adcock, "Delenda Est Carthago", pp. 125, 126.
105. ^Adcock, "Delenda Est Carthago", p. 127.
106. ^Zonaras, ix. 28.
107. ^Walbank, Commentary on Polybius, vol. III, p. 670. Walbank dates the embassy to 149, contra Broughton, vol. II, p. 457, who says it took place in 150.
108. ^Brennan, Praetorship, p. 223. Brennan says "late 150 or early 149".
109. ^John Vanderspoel, "Rome’s Apparent Disinterest in Macedonia", in Greece, Macedonia, and Persia, pp. 200, 203, 204. The author says that Corculum went to Greece as ambassador to Andriscus, but his mission failed, and he then had to relent to his opponents favouring a more aggressive foreign policy.
110. ^Münzer, PW, vol. 7, p. 1500. Münzer seems to be the only modern scholar to make this suggestion.
111. ^Astin, "Aemilianus and Cato", pp. 174–180; Scipio Aemilianus, pp. 53, 54.
112. ^W. V. Harris, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. VIII, p. 155.
113. ^Astin, "Aemilianus and Cato", p. 178.
114. ^Astin, Scipio Aemilianus, p. 83.
115. ^Zonaras, ix. 30. This account is erroneous as he says that Cato took part in this debate, while he died in 149. Cf. Astin, Scipio Aemilianus, p. 53 (note 2).
116. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 463.
117. ^Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, iii. 51.
118. ^Ryan, Rank and Participation, pp. 181–183.
119. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 474, 475. In practice, the princeps senatus was always re-appointed; therefore Corculum re-appointment by Scipio Aemilianus does not mean that they had reconciled (cf. Ryan, Rank and Participation", pp. XX).
120. ^Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 290.
121. ^Obsequens, 22.
122. ^Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 240.
123. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 457.
124. ^Münzer, Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 224.
125. ^Valerius Maximus, vii. 5 § 2.
126. ^Ryan, Rank and Participation, pp. 183, 184.
127. ^Astin (Scipio Aemilianus, pp. 179, 199) considers that Serapio was an ally of Aemilianus, but Briscoe shows that the enmity between Corculum and Gracchus (and the other Scipiones Africani) started in 162 and remained open for a long time, cf. Briscoe, "Tiberius Gracchus", pp. 133, 135.
128. ^Münzer, PW, vol. 7, pp. 1429, 1430.
129. ^Smith & Sandberg, Omnium Annalium Monumenta, pp. 434, 435.

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| years = with Gaius Marcius Figulus
162 BC
| before = Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Manius Iuventius Thalna
| after = Publius Cornelius Lentulus and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus
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}}{{succession box
| title = Censor of the Roman Republic
| before = Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus
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| after = Marcus Valerius Messalla
and Gaius Cassius Longinus
| years = with Marcus Popillius Laenas
159 BC
}}{{succession box
| title = Consul of the Roman Republic
| years = with Marcus Claudius Marcellus
155 BC
| before = Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Lupus and Gaius Marcius Figulus
| after = Quintus Opimius and Lucius Postumius Albinus
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| title = Princeps Senatus of the Roman Republic
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}}{{s-end}}{{Pontifices Maximi}}{{Authority control}}{{DEFAULTSORT:Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum, Publius}}

10 : 2nd-century BC births|141 BC deaths|2nd-century BC Romans|2nd-century BC clergy|Roman Republican consuls|Roman censors|Pontifices Maximi of the Roman Republic|Cornelii|Cornelii Scipiones|Ancient Roman jurists

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