“Tea-tribes of Assam”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

Tea-tribe of Assam ({{lang-as|চাহ জনগোষ্ঠী}}) is a term used to denote those active tea garden workers and their dependents who reside in labour quarters built inside 800 Tea estates spread across Assam while "Ex-tea tribe" ({{lang|hi|ভূতপূৰ্ব চাহ জনগোষ্ঠী}}) to those who were once active as tea workers but now have left the job and labour quarters for other employment opportunities after retirement. So the contradictory terms "Tea-tribe" and "Ex-tea tribe" are collectively used officially by Government of Assam for people who are the descendants of tribals and backward castes brought by the British colonial planters as indentured labourers from the predominantly tribal and backward caste dominated regions of present-day Jharkhand, Odisha, West Bengal, Telangana and Chhattisgarh into colonial Assam during 1860-90s in multiple phases for the purpose of being employed in the tea gardens industry as labourers. They are found mainly in those districts of Upper Assam and Northern Brahmaputra belt where there is high concentration of tea gardens like Kokrajhar, Udalguri, Sonitpur, Nagaon, Golaghat, Jorhat, Sivasagar, Charaideo, Dibrugarh, Tinsukia. The total population is estimated to be around 6.5 million of which estimated 4 million reside in residential quarters built inside tea estates.^[1] Santhali speakers are also found in parts of Kokrajhar, Baksa and Bongaigaon districts of Lower Assam. They generally use Nagpuri or Sadri with Assamese influence as lingua franca among themselves along with use of other languages like Saora, Sambalpuri, Santhali, Kurukh and Mundari. They have their own dance form, Jhumair, which is quite popular in Assam.

History

Immigration into Assam

Tribal tea workers immigrated into Assam in several phases from mid-nineteenth century to mid-twentieth century from the tribal heartland of central-eastern India as indentured labourers for expanding tea industry of Assam.

The rising anti-British movements across the tribal dominated Chottanagpur region(present day southern Jharkhand and northern Odisha) and scarcity of cheap labourers to work in the expanding tea industry of Assam led the British authorities to forcibly recruit primarily Tribals and a few backward caste Hindus as indentured labourers to work in Assam's tea gardens. Thousands of those people recruited as labourers died of diseases during the journey to Assam, and hundreds were killed by the British authorities who tried to flee as punishment of breaching the contracts.

In 1841 first attempt was made by the Assam Company to recruit labourers. In this attempt 652 people were forcibly recruited but due to outbreak of cholera most of them died. Those who survived fled. In 1859 Workmen's Breach of Contract Act was passed. It rescued the tea planters from scarcity of labour by recruitment from outside Assam through contracts. 'Arakattis' or broker were appointed to recruit labour from outside. In 1870 'Sardari' System was introduced to recruit labours.

Conditions of recruitment of labour from Bengal and Bihar were inhuman. 'Arakattis' were resorted to several fraudulences practices and physical force. From 15 December 1859 to 21 November 1861, the Assam Company brought first batch of 2,272 recruits from outside. Out of 2,272 recruits 250 died on the way to Assam. From 2 April 1861 to 25 February 1862, 2,569 people were recruited and sent to Assam in two batches, through the Brahmaputra river route. During the journey 135 died and 103 absconded. Between 1 May 1863 and 1 May 1866, 84,915 labourers were recruited, but 30,000 died by June 1866. From 1877 to 1929, 419,841 recruits entered Assam as indentured labourers. It included 162,188 males, 119,582 females and 138,071 children. From 1938 to 1947, 158,706 recruits came to Assam. They were brought to Assam through three riverine routes, two through Brahmaputra and one through Surma.

Debarken Depots were used to carry the bonded labours. Some of the Debarken Depots in the Brahmaputra were Tezpur, Silghat, Kokilamukh, Dibrugarh, etc. Debarken Depots in Surma (Barak) were Silchar, Katigorah, Karimganj etc.

Labours were brought in the ships, in a condition that was far worse than the animals. Steamers were overcrowded with recruits and it was highly unhygienic. This led to spread of Cholera among the labours and had taken heavy toll on the lives of labours in the journey.

Under the colonial rule of British

After the journey their life in the tea gardens was also pathetic. Planters used to make barracks known as Coolie line for the labourer and these were overcrowded. "Coolie" was a term used by Tea garden authorities to denote Labourers (now considered derogatory by the community).

In these barracks each tea garden labourer got hardly twenty five square feet of area for their personal use. Many of the tea gardens insisted on a morning master of the labours. They were not allowed to remain absent in their duty for a single day even when they were unwell. The Labourers did not enjoy any personal freedom at all. Even they were not allowed to meet labourer of another tea garden. Prior permission from the manager of the tea gardens was necessary for marriage of the labourers.

In addition to emigrants labours, tea planters also forced labourers to increase the birth rate, so that each garden could garner enough labour force. Abortion was strictly prohibited.

The wages paid to labourers were also very poor. By paying very low wages the tea planters forced the whole of family members to work in the tea garden. From 1865–1881 men labourers were paid ₹5 per month and women ₹4 per month only. The situation remained same up to 1900. It was by an Act of 1901 wages increased to ₹5.5 for men, ₹4.5 for women and children remained same. Whereas, in the early 1880s an unskilled railway construction labourer earned ₹12 to 16 per month (3 times more than tea garden labour).

The tea garden labourers had to suffer from legal bondage. Their lives were governed by the Workmen's Breach of Contract Act (Act 3 of 1859). Under this act a labour was liable to prosecution, and even imprisonment for breach of contract. Inertia, refusal to work and desertion was equally punishable offence and for that they may be flogged physical torture and imprisoned under the various provision of this act. Flogging was common practice in the tea gardens. The then Chief Commissioner of Assam Fuller stated about the condition of labours, "...They were deprived of all their freedom and their derogatory conditions and atrocities remind one of the slave running in Africa and the global slave trade."

In addition to this the tea garden manager heaped severe atrocities on them for mere personal pleasure. A tea garden manager in Darrang district caught a boy, in his attempt of burglary, and he was beaten to death. His dead body was subsequently found with marks which showed that he had been most cruelly beaten. In Cachar district a boy was flogged to death only because he did not salute the European manager. The worst among such incident was the shoot-out and which killed a tea garden labourer by the European planter of the Kharial Tea Estate of Cachar in 1921 due to refusal of the said labour to provide his daughter as a concubine to the Planter for a night. Facing the atrocities many tea garden labourers often become insane. Lots of lunatic were kept in the jail set up at Tezpur, in 1876, for insane people.

Health conditions during colonial times

Thousands of labours died annually due to non-availability of Medical care as the medical system was very poor in the tea gardens of Assam. The gardens did not appoint any doctors. Though Colonial Government tried to bound the tea gardens to appoint, European Medical officers and send Health report to the Government regularly but tea gardens refused to accept it. Most of the gardens didn't have hospitals to treat the ill health labourers. Most of the gardens appointed some trained physicians called LMP (Learned Medical Practitioner) doctor only after 1889, when Berry White Medical School was set up at Barbari, Dibrugarh.

State of Education during colonial rule

Regarding schooling in the tea gardens areas a report was published by a European DPI in 1917–18 that as many as 2 lakhs children of school going age were there lie in the tea gardens of Assam but not even 2% were turned up for primary education. The numbers of the schools and students enrolment were in papers and files only. It is quite clear from the fact that in 1950 there were 5,00,416 numbers of children who could attend the lower Primary schools but there were only 29,361 children attended the primary schools. It was just meagre 6%. During the period 1946–50, there was only four college students from tea gardens. Number of students attended high schools, included M. E. schools, during this period was, Jorhat – 29, Dibrugarh – 15, Golaghat – 22, Titabor – 04, Nagaon – 10, Lakhimpur – 12, Tezpur – 41 and Mangaldai – 05.

The tea planters never encouraged education to garden labourers as it would prevent them from physical labor or may protest against exploitation. Even after the independence, the amount spend for tea garden education in the first five-year plan was just 0.26 million (2.6 lakhs) .i.e. not even ten paisa per tea garden labourer.

The medium of instruction had also created problems in the tea gardens. Different tribes and castes had their own language and literature in the school owing largely to their original places. In tea gardens, three languages were primarily spoken by the labours, viz. Santhali, Kurukh, Mundari. But commonly "Sadri" was used and outside the tea gardens they used to speak in Assamese language as a medium of communication. Therefore, Narayan Ghatowar, a prominent intellectual of the community advocated that Assamese be imparted in the schools only by "Sadri" knowing Teachers.

Participation in Indian Independence Movement

Though the community remained oppressed primary as a Plantation labourers, they still had the anti-colonial anti-British attitude alive in their mindset.

Noted Historian Amalendu Guha remarks,"Illiterate, ignorant, unorganised and isolated from their homes as they were, the plantation workers were weak and powerless against the planters". But still several times they tried to protest against the atrocities of the planters and Estate managers. For example, protest of 1884 in Bowalia T.E., Strike of Helem T.E. in 1921, etc. But most of them were ruthlessly suppressed. The tea garden labourers never got any form of help or encouragement from Upper Caste Hindu dominated Indian National Congress leaders of Assam. Congress leaders of Assam never tried to extend the course of the Indian Freedom Movement to the tea gardens instead in many cases they helped the planters to suppress the unrest or upsurge labourers of the tea gardens. A splendid example of this kind was the incident of the Kacharigaon T.E at 1921 in Sonitpur . At that time Non-Cooperation movement was going on against the British but the Congress leaders of Assam supported the British to quell the labour unrest, against the planter's atrocities. The Congress leaders through a telegram agreed to cooperate and in return British D.C. of Tezpur, Lainee arranged a tea party for the Congressmen for their help.

Another example of Congressmen apathy towards the community can be cited here. Arjun Ghatowar, "an ex-labourer" of Dibru-Darrang T.E. actively participated in Freedom Movement and used to visit Congress office at Dhekiajuli regularly. But Congressmen never encouraged him to organize the movement in the tea garden areas. Chanoo Kharia, who was the first matriculate from the community condemned the local caste Assamese speaking Hindus to treat the tea workers as untouchable in a meeting in 1934.

Though they were neglected, numbers of persons from the community actively participated in the Indian Independence movement. Some of the names of the participants are, Gajaram Kurmi, Pratap Gond, Shamburam Gond, Mohanchal Gond, Jagamohan Gond, Bidesh Kamar Lohar, Ansa Bhuyan, Radhu Munda, Gobin Tanti, Ramsai Turi, Bishnu Suku Majhi, Bongai Bauri, etc. Some of the freedom fighters who became martyrs are Doyal Das Panika, Mongol Kurku, Tehlu Saora and Bankuru Saora. Malati Mem alias "Mangri" Oraon of Tezpur Ghogara TE (near Tezpur) became the first ever woman martyr of Assam in 1921. She was killed by colonial Police while participating in Non-cooperation movement. The names of these tea garden labourers never got any importance in the histography, but as Guha quoted "it must be admitted that these Adivasis joined in the Indian Independence movement not because of the Assamese middle class, the Congress or the Assamese non-state organizations, but inspite of them."

Demographics

An ethno-linguistic minority, the population of the community is primarily rural in nature and estimated to be around 6.5 million (65 lakhs) or 18% of Assam's total population.^[2]

They live in almost every district of Assam but their density varies according to the number of tea plantations in different regions of Assam. They are more numerous in Upper Assam and Central Assam than Lower Assam. Some were not brought for tea garden labour. Many tribes (most notably Santhal, Kurukh and Munda people) were forcibly displaced by the British from the Chotanagpur region due to their rebellion against the British regime. They were dumped into Lower Assam regions of then undivided Goalpara and undivided Darrang districts as a punishment for their uprising against the regime (Santhal rebellion of the 1850s and Birsa Munda Rebellion of 1899–1900).

The community dominates the districts of Upper Assam including Sonitpur due to high density of tea gardens and plantations in this region. Districts of North Lakhimpur, Darrang, Barak Valley areas and Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) areas of Assam also have significant population of the community. They form nearly 17% and 11% of the total population in BTAD and Barak Valley region respectively.

Different political parties appeal to them during election seasons in Assam as their demographic numbers always influence politics in Assam.

They are neither a single ethnic tribe nor a single caste but are the people of various ethno-linguistic origins, from different regions of eastern India composed of dozens of tribes and castes who have got intermixed with one another in the last 150 years in the state of Assam. Major tribes and castes among them are Munda, Santhal, Kurukh/Oraon, Bhumij, Bedia, Bhil, Baraik, Chamar, Gonds, Gowala, Kewat, Kuie (Porja), Kol, Kudumi Mahato, Kharia, Koiri, Teli, Lohara/Karmakar, Pantanti, Saora, Nayak, Mahali, Khonds and other.

Languages

Sadri is the predominantly spoken language, and it works as a lingua franca among them. But the dialect spoken in Assam is totally different to the tone spoken in Chotanagpur region because the tone spoken in Assam is influenced by the Assamese language particularly in Upper Assam.

Santhali, Mundari, Kurukh, Saora and Sambalpuri are also spoken by few segments of the community. The population of Santhali speakers and Sambalpuri Odia speakers are over 300,000 each. With steady rise in literacy level newer generations are becoming fluent in standard Hindi, Assamese and English.

Religion

The majority of the population of the community follows Folk Hinduism and Sarnaism while Christianity comprises about 15% of the population.

Hindus worship different deities during different seasons of a year. Most (if not all) of the Hindus are animistic in nature and worship tribal and Tantra related Gods. The influence of mainstream Vedic Hinduism is minimal and animistic-Shaktism dominates in religious practices.

The ancient tribal religion Sarnaism is also deeply rooted among a sizeable section of tea garden workers. They believe in a universal supreme God and worship him/her in different names like Marangburu, Mahadeo and Singboga. Sarhul Puja and Karam Puja are the prominent festivals of Sarnaism.

Vaishnavism is also steadily gaining footholds among a section of Hindu population of the community.

They are very religious-minded people and love to worship nature. Many trees are considered sacred and are worshipped. Nearly every village has religious temples and sacred ground (sthal) for community worship.

However increasing conversions into Christianity have led many of them into adopting Christianity and many churches have been built as a result. Nearly one million are now Christians in the state. Kurukh, Santhals, Kharia and Mundas are among the major tribes who have been mostly converted by the Christian missionaries. Catholicism and Protestantism are the major denominations among Adivasi Christians.

Festivals

Festivals are an important part of their life and are generally deeply connected to their religion and their culture. They celebrate many festivals during different seasons. Almost every major Hindu festival is celebrated by the community, with Christians celebrating Christian festivals.

Major festivals celebrated by the community are Fagua , Karam (festival), Jitia, Sohrai, Tusu Puja, Sarhul, Nowakhai, Lakhi puja, Manasa Puja, Durga puja, Diwali, Good Friday, Easter and Christmas.

Music and dance

Music is an important component of the community. Their music is usually collectively performed for a variety of occasions like weddings, festivals, arrival of seasons, ushering-in of new life, and harvests. The community is rich in a variety of music and dances. Through the folk music and dance, they try to convey their perspective on social issues and define their daily life styles and their history.

Dhols, Manjiras, Madars, Kartals, Tamaks, Nagaras, Nishans, and Bansuris are some of the musical instruments used by them.

'Jhumair' is a famous folk dance form of the tea-tribe community through which they are identified with in Assam. But they also possess other numerous dance forms like Domkach, Santhali dance, Chhau dance, Sambalpuri Dalkhai dance and Kharia dance which are performed during different occasions.

Karam dance is an important dance form which is performed during Karam festival by boys and girls alike.

Jhumair

Jhumair is a form of dance performed by girls and boys together, or, sometimes by the girls alone, with precision of footwork while clasping tightly each other's waist. This dance is a folk dance prevalent in Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal brought by the community along with them into Assam.

Dhols, Mandars, and Kartals are the traditional musical instruments used during the dance for music. Usually, the traditional dress of red-bordered white saris are adorned by female dancers along with jewellery and ornaments before performing the dance. Male dancers wear dhotis and kurtas with white turbans on their head.

Socio-economic conditions

They are one of the most backward and exploited community in Assam due to decades of continuous exploitation by tea estate management and neglect on the part of the government. Though the younger generations are better-educated and are becoming professionals in various fields, there are not many of those in the community.^[3]

The literacy rate of the community is one of the lowest in Assam, particularly among girls and women. Due to this, girls are extremely vulnerable to sexual exploitation and early marriages are prevalent among them.^[4]

Since the majority of the community are still labourers, they live in labour lines built inside tea-estates and established by tea planters. These estates are located in remote areas and this contributes to the backwardness and exploitation of them by the tea planters. The labourers in a way have to live with the basic facilities provided by the tea planters. The tea planters usually exploit the workers every possible way.^[5] Violence and agitation of labourers against the management is common, where the state machinery normally protects the tea-planters. Non-education, poverty, addiction of males to country-beer, poor standard of living, rising population and inadequate health facilities provided to them are the problems in their life. There are instances when tea-planters do not even supply the life-saving drugs when workers are dying out of epidemics.^[6]

The Assam Chah Mazdoor Sangha has been instrumental in improving the lives of tea garden labourers. Reputed Tea Associations, such as Assam Branch Indian Tea Association (ABITA) and Bharatiya Cha Parishad (BCP) have been working with organizations such as UNICEF and the Government of Assam to improve the lives of the tea garden labourers.The ABITA has embarked on a partnership with National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) of the Government of India promoted and partnered by the Government of Assam. This assistance of the Govt. of Assam for an all inclusive medicare system is now available in 105 estates of its membership. The residents of the estates have benefited from the PPP mode as was decided by the Govt. of Assam since 2007. Another unique direction which the ABITA took was its partnership with UNICEF. An intervention which started in 2000 through the Education, Creche Development & Nutrition Programme, later expanded and diversified into a more structured intervention to promote health, nutrition, sanitation and child rights amongst the tea workers population.

Tea industry is a crucial part of Indian economy. Assam produces 55% of India's total production of tea. It is a labour-intensive industry and highly dependent on a large workforce. It is the only sector where majority of the workers are female.^[7]

About one million labourers are dependent on Assam's tea industry and almost all of whom are the descendants of those who were brought to Assam as labourers by East India Company, mostly from Jharkhand and Orissa.^[8] The sacrifice, toil and hard work of these labourers gave shape to the tea industry of Assam. However, the story behind the tea cultivation, plucking and processing of tea leaves in the plantations is one of exploitation and untold hardships for the tea labourers.^[9] These labourers are still living with the basic facilities provided by the tea planters or companies. Poor standard of living and lack of education and health facilities are main problems of tea labourers.

Literacy level among the community is only 46% one of the lowest against Assam's 72% overall literacy rate as tea garden management and other vested interests hinders in their educational development.^[10]

Demand of Scheduled Tribe status

The people of the community have been fighting for decades to receive Scheduled Tribe(ST) status, which is being denied to them in Assam although in other states of India their counterparts fully enjoy that status.^[11]

The community is composed of many large tribes who are original inhabitants of India like Munda, Santhal, Kurukh (Oraon), Gonds, Bhumij and dozen others who are being denied Scheduled Tribe status.

Assam is the only state in India where these aborigines have been denied ST status. This has given rise to identity politics among these people and different political parties are banking on this issue to get votes for decades during elections.

Now some of tribes of this community has started to demand ST status separately in order to fulfill the Constitutional criteria designating "Scheduled Tribe".

According to S.D. Pando, one of the three members of a panel set up by the Assam government to write an ethnographic report on the community, Among the 96 ethnic groups who are listed as 'Tea-tribes' in Assam, nearly 40 are recognised as "Tribals" or Scheduled Tribes(ST) in other parts of India while the "non-tribals" among the tea-tribes distributed in 50 groups, are categorized as Scheduled castes (SC) and Other Backward classes(OBC) in states outside Assam like Jharkhand and Odisha. The population of these 50 "non-tribals" ethnic groups is less than two lakhs(200,000) according to government estimates compared to the substantially higher population of the 40 "tribal" groups.^[12]

Numerous agitations and movements has been organised and are ongoing demanding ST status ^[13] and most infamous of them was the Beltola incident of Guwahati happened on 24 November 2007 where public rape and killings occurred in the daylight which had rocked India particularly Assam.

On 8 January 2019 central government led by Bharatiya Janata Party approved The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order (Amendment) Bill 2019 in Cabinet to accord "Scheduled Tribe" status to at least 36 tribes of this community and tabled it in Parliament. The bill passed in the Lok Sabha but failed to make it through Rajya Sabha on the last day of the Budget session due to lack of time.^[14]

Increase in wage issue

Issue of wage is another issue gripping the majority members of this community. They are demanding increase in daily wages of tea garden workers of the state from existing daily wage of ₹167 ($2.1) to ₹350 ($5).

As cited, ₹167 as daily wage for tea garden workers did not fulfil the provisions of the Minimum Wage Act, 1948, as it is below the Assam government's prescribed minimum wage for organized workers (₹290). Wages in tea gardens of Barak Valley is even more meagre (₹115 per day). And also according to the Plantation Labour Act, 1951, and Minimum Wage Act, 1948, costs associated with housing, medical and electricity could not be included as part of minimum wages.

Southern states of India has been successful in increasing daily wages of tea garden workers while maintaining the Industry profitable. The daily wage is ₹310 ($5) in Kerala.

It is estimated that 10 lakhs (1 million) labourers including casual workers working in over 850 tea gardens are deprived of their right of minimum wages in Assam.{{citation needed|date=January 2015}}

Though recently in 2018 the wages of tea garden workers have improved considerably to ₹167 by Government of Assam but it is still well below the ₹350 as demanded by the workers. The wages of tea garden labourers are revised every few years through agreements between the Consultative Committee of Plantation Associations (CCPA) and the Assam Chah Mazdoor Sangha (ACMS). Tea Garden labourers of the Brahmaputra Valley in Assam get ₹167 as daily wage, but including statutory and non statutory benefits and other benefits, their daily wage is around ₹214 per day. They also get housing facilities from the tea garden managements and avail free medical benefits.

Struggles and Conflicts

Persecution of the community is mainly political and ethnic in nature. They are increasingly becoming the victims of volatile social and political situation in Assam. The violence upon the community has risen following the rise of ethnic nationalism and related militancy across the state and violent arising out of border disputes of Assam with other states. There were two ethnic clashes between Bodo and Adivasi during 1990s. Hundreds of people from both community were victim of those ethnic clashes. Thousands of people were made homeless by the clashes. According to Bodo leaders statement, it was a political conspiracy made by elite class to weaken Bodo movement for statehood. Most of time both the communities live in harmony without any discrimination in the BTAD area with frequent inter marriage and other social relations. But armed conflict between NDFB – Army and NDFB – Adivasi Cobra Force make the Adivasi community vulnerable to frequent violent attacks from NDFB militants.

Notes

1.^ "The Tea Labourers Of North East India: An Anthropo-historical perspective". [https://books.google.co.in/books?isbn=8183243061 isbn:8183243061 - Google Search]

References

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