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词条 Gallaecian language
释义

  1. Overview

  2. Characteristics

  3. See also

  4. References

  5. Bibliography

{{short description|Extinct Celtic language of Iberia}}{{About|the extinct Celtic language spoken in Iberia|the current language related to Portuguese|Galician language|the extinct Celtic language from Asia Minor|Galatian language}}{{Infobox language
|name= Gallaecian
|states=Iberian Peninsula |era=attested beginning of the first millennium CE
|ref=
|familycolor=Indo-European
|fam2=Celtic
|fam3=(unclassified)
|iso3=none
|glotto=none
}}Gallaecian, or Northwestern Hispano-Celtic, is an extinct Celtic language and was one of the Hispano-Celtic languages.[1] It was spoken at the beginning of the 1st millennium in the northwest corner of the Iberian Peninsula that became the Roman province of Gallaecia and is now divided between the modern regions of Galicia, Norte Region, Portugal, western Asturias, and the Province of León, in Spain.[2][3][4][5]

Overview

As with the Illyrian and Ligurian languages, the surviving corpus of Gallaecian is composed of isolated words and short sentences contained in local Latin inscriptions or glossed by classical authors, together with a number of names – anthroponyms, ethnonyms, theonyms, toponyms – contained in inscriptions, or surviving as the names of places, rivers or mountains. In addition, many isolated words of Celtic origin preserved in the present-day Romance languages of Portugal and Northwest Spain, are likely to have been inherited from ancient Gallaecian.[6]

Classical authors such as Pomponius Mela and Pliny the Elder wrote about the existence of Celtic[7] and non-Celtic populations in Gallaecia and Lusitania, but several modern scholars have postulated Lusitanian and Gallaecian as a single archaic Celtic language.[8] Others point to major unresolved problems for this hypothesis, such as the mutually incompatible phonetic features, most notably the proposed preservation of *p in Lusitanian and the inconsistent outcome of the vocalic liquid consonants, so addressing Lusitanian as a non-Celtic language and unrelated to Gallaecian, although cultural influences were likely.[9][10][11]

Characteristics

Some of the main characteristic of Gallaecian shared with Celtiberian and the other Celtic languages were (reconstructed forms are Proto-Celtic unless otherwise indicated):

  • Indo-European -ps- and -ks- became -xs- and were then reduced to -s-: place name AVILIOBRIS from Awil-yo-brix-s < Proto-Celtic Awil-yo-brig-s 'Windy hill(fort)',[12][13] modern place name Osmo (Cenlle, Osamo 928 AD) from Uχsamo- 'the highest one'.[14]
  • Original PIE p has disappeared, having become a φ sound before being lost completely:[15][16] place names C(ASTELLO) OLCA from φolkā- 'Overturned', C(ASTELLO) ERITAECO from φerito- 'surrounded, enclosed', personal name ARCELTIUS, from φari-kelt-y-os; place name C(ASTELLO) ERCORIOBRI, from φeri-kor-y-o-brig-s 'Overshooting hillfort'; place name C(ASTELLO) LETIOBRI,[17] from φle-tyo-brig-s 'wide hillfort', or φlei-to-brig-s 'grey hillfort';[18] place name Iria Flavia, from φīweryā- (nominative φīwerī) 'fertile' (feminine form, cf. Sanskrit feminine pīvari- "fat");[19] place name ONTONIA, from φont-on- 'path';[20] personal name LATRONIUS,[21] to φlā-tro- 'place; trousers'; personal name ROTAMUS, to φro-tamo- 'foremost';[22] modern place names Bama (Touro, Vama 912) to uφamā-[23] 'the lowest one, the bottom' (feminine form), Iñobre (Rianxo) to φenyo-brix-s[24] 'Hill(fort) by the water', Bendrade (Oza dos Ríos) to Vindo-φrātem 'White fortress', and Baiordo (Coristanco) to Bagyo-φritu-, where the second element is proto-Celtic for 'ford'.[25] Galician-Portuguese appellative words leira 'flat patch of land' from φlāryā,[26] lavego 'plough' from φlāw-aiko-,[27] laxe/lage 'flagstone', from medieval lagena, from φlagĭnā,[28] rega and rego 'furrow' from φrikā.[29]

The frequent instances of preserved PIE /p/ are assigned by some authors, namely Carlos Búa[30] and Jürgen Untermann, to a single and archaic Celtic language spoken in Gallaecia, Asturia and Lusitania, while others (Francisco Villar, Blanca María Prósper, Patrizia de Bernado Stempel, Jordán Colera) consider that they belong to a Lusitanian or Lusitanian-like dialect or group of dialects spoken in northern Iberia along with (but different from) Western Hispano-Celtic:[31]

  • in Galicia: divinity names and epithets PARALIOMEGO, PARAMAECO, POEMANAE, PROENETIAEGO, PROINETIE, PEMANEIECO, PAMUDENO, MEPLUCEECO; place names Lapatia, Paramo, Pantiñobre if from palanti-nyo-brig-s (Búa); Galician-Portuguese appellative words lapa 'stone, rock' (cfr. Lat. lapis) and pala 'stone cavity', from palla from plh-sa (cfr. germ. fels, o.Ir. All).
  • in Asturias the ethnic name Paesici; personal names PENTIUS, PROGENEI; divinity name PECE PARAMECO; in León and Bragança place names PAEMEIOBRIGENSE, Campo Paramo, Petavonium.
  • in other northwestern areas: place names Pallantia, Pintia, Segontia Paramica; ethnic name Pelendones.
  • Indo-European sonants between vowels, n̥, and m̥ have become an, am; r̥, and l̥ have become ri, li:[32] place name Brigantia from brig-ant-yā < Proto-Celtic br̥g-n̥t-y-ā < post-Proto-Indo-European (post-PIE) bʰr̥gʰ-n̥t-y-ā 'The towering one, the high one'; modern place names in Portugal and Galicia Braga, Bragança, Berganzo, Berganciños, Bergaña;[33] ancient place names AOBRIGA, CALIABRIGA, CALAMBRIGA, CONIMBRIGA, CORUMBRIGA, MIROBRIGA, NEMETOBRIGA, COELIOBRIGA, TALABRIGA with second element brigā < Proto-Celtic br̥g-ā < post-PIE bʰr̥gʰ-ā 'high place',[34] and AVILIOBRIS, MIOBRI, AGUBRI with second element bris < brix-s < Proto-Celtic brig-s < br̥g-s < PIE bʰr̥gʰ-s 'hill(fort)';[35] cf. English cognate borough < Old English burg "fort" < Proto-Germanic burg-s < PIE bʰr̥gʰ-s.
  • Reduction of diphthong ei to ē: theonym DEVORI, from dēwo-rīg-ē < Proto-Celtic deiwo-rēg-ei 'To the king of the gods'.[36]
  • Lenition of m in the group -mnV- to -unV-:[37][38] ARIOUNIS MINCOSEGAECIS, dative form from ar-yo-uno- menekko-seg-āk-yo- 'To the (deities of the) fields of the many crops' < Proto-Celtic ar-yo-mno- ... .[39]
  • Assimilation p .. kʷ > kʷ .. kʷ: tribe name Querquerni from kʷerkʷ- < PIE perkʷ- 'oak, tree'.[40] Although this name has also been interpreted as Lusitanian by B. M. Prósper,[41] she proposed recently for that language a p .. kʷ > kʷ .. kʷ > p .. p assimilation.[42]
  • Reduction of diphthong ew to ow, and eventually to ō:[43] personal names TOUTONUS / TOTONUS 'of the people' from tout- 'nation, tribe' < PIE teut-; personal names CLOUTIUS 'famous', but VESUCLOTI 'having good fame' < Proto-Celtic Kleut-y-os, Wesu-kleut(-y)-os;[44] CASTELLO LOUCIOCELO < PIE leuk- 'bright'.[45] In Celtiberian the forms toutinikum/totinikum show the same process.[46]
  • Superlatives in -is(s)amo:[47] place names BERISAMO < Berg-isamo- 'The highest one',[48] SESMACA < Seg-isamā-kā 'The strongest one, the most victorious one'.[49] The same etymology has been proposed for the modern place names Sésamo (Culleredo) and Sísamo (Carballo), from Segisamo-;[50] modern place name Méixamo from Magisamo- 'the largest one'.[51]
  • Syncope (loss) of unstressed vowels in the vicinity of liquid consonants: CASTELLO DURBEDE, if from dūro-bedo-.[52]
  • Reduction of Proto-Celtic χt cluster to Hispano-Celtic t:[53] personal names AMBATUS, from Celtic ambi-aχtos, PENTIUS < kwenχto- 'fifth'.

Some characteristics of this language not shared by Celtiberian:

  • In contact with e or i, intervocalic consonant -g- tends to disappear:[43] theonym DEVORI from dēworīgē 'To the king of the gods'; adjective derived of a place name SESMACAE < Seg-isamā-kā 'The strongest one, the most victorious one'; personal names MEIDUENUS < Medu-genos 'Born of mead', CATUENUS < Katu-genos 'Born of the fight';[53] inscription NIMIDI FIDUENEARUM HIC < widu-gen-yā.[47] But Celtiberian place name SEGISAMA and personal name mezukenos show preservation of /g/.[54]
  • -lw- and -rw- become -lβ-, -rβ- (as in Irish):[15] MARTI TARBUCELI < tarwo-okel- 'To Mars of the Hill of the Bull', but Celtiberian TARVODURESCA.
  • Late preservation of (-)φl- which becomes (-)βl- and only later is reduced to a simple (-)l- sound:[55][56] place names BLETISAM(AM), BLETIS(AMA), modern Ledesma (Boqueixón) < φlet-isamā 'widest'; BLANIOBRENSI,[57] medieval Laniobre < φlān-yo-brigs 'hillfort on the plain'.[58] But Celtiberian place name Letaisama.[59]
  • wl- is maintained:[60] VLANA < PIE wl̥Hn-eh₂ 'wool', while Celtiberian has l-: launi < PIE wl̥H-mn-ih₂ 'woolly' (?).
  • Sometimes wo- appears as wa-:[61] VACORIA < (d)wo-kor-yo- 'who has two armies', VAGABROBENDAM < uφo-gabro-bendā 'lower goat mountain' (see above).
  • Dative plural ending -bo < PIE bʰo, while Celtiberian had -bos:[56] LUGOUBU/LUCUBO 'To (the three gods) Lug'.

Gallaecian appears to be a Q-Celtic language, as evidenced by the following occurrences in local inscriptions: ARQVI, ARCVIVS, ARQVIENOBO, ARQVIENI[S], ARQVIVS, all probably from IE Paleo-Hispanic *arkʷios 'archer, bowman', retaining proto-Celtic *kʷ.[62] It is also noteworthy the ethnonyms Equaesi ( < PIE *ek̂wos 'horse'), a people from southern Gallaecia,[63] and the Querquerni ( < *perkʷ- 'oak'). Nevertheless, some old toponyms and ethnonyms, and some modern toponyms, have been interpreted as showing kw / kʷ > p: Pantiñobre (Arzúa, composite of *kʷantin-yo- '(of the) valley' and *brix-s 'hill(fort)') and Pezobre (Santiso, from *kweityo-bris),[64] ethnonym COPORI "the Bakers" from *pokwero- 'to cook',[65] old place names Pintia, in Galicia and among the Vaccei, from PIE *penkwtó- > Celtic *kwenχto- 'fifth'.[66][67]

]]

See also

  • List of Celtic place names in Galicia
  • List of Celtic place names in Portugal
  • Celtiberian language
  • Continental Celtic languages
  • List of Galician words of Celtic origin
  • Portuguese vocabulary
  • Galician Institute for Celtic Studies

References

1. ^"In the northwest of the Iberian Peninula, and more specifically between the west and north Atlantic coasts and an imaginary line running north-south and linking Oviedo and Merida, there is a corpus of Latin inscriptions with particular characteristics of its own. This corpus contains some linguistic features that are clearly Celtic and others that in our opinion are not Celtic. The former we shall group, for the moment, under the label northwestern Hispano-Celtic. The latter are the same features found in well-documented contemporary inscriptions in the region occupied by the Lusitanians, and therefore belonging to the variety known as LUSITANIAN, or more broadly as GALLO-LUSITANIAN. As we have already said, we do not consider this variety to belong to the Celtic language family." Jordán Colera 2007: p.750
2. ^{{cite book|last=Prósper|first=Blanca María|title=Lenguas y religiones prerromanas del occidente de la península ibérica|year=2002|publisher=Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca|isbn=84-7800-818-7|pages=422–427}}
3. ^Prósper, B.M. (2005). Estudios sobre la fonética y la morfología de la lengua celtibérica in Vascos, celtas e indoeuropeos. Genes y lenguas (coauthored with Villar, Francisco). Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, pp. 333–350. {{ISBN|84-7800-530-7}}.
4. ^Jordán Colera 2007:p.750
5. ^{{cite book|last=Koch|first=John T.|authorlink=John T. Koch|title=Celtic culture: a historical encyclopedia. Vol. 1-|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f899xH_quaMC|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1-85109-440-0}}
6. ^Galician words such as crica ('vulva, ribbon'), from proto-Celtic *kīkwā ('furrow'), laxe ('stone slab') from proto-Celtic *φlagēnā ('broad spearhead'), leira ('patch, field') from proto-Celtic *φlāryo- ('floor'), and alboio ('shed, pen') from proto-Celtic *φare-bowyo- ('around-cows').
7. ^Among them the Praestamarci, Supertamarci, Nerii, Artabri, and in general all people living by the seashore except for the Grovi of southern Galicia and northern Portugal: 'Totam Celtici colunt, sed a Durio ad flexum Grovi, fluuntque per eos Avo, Celadus, Nebis, Minius et cui oblivionis cognomen est Limia. Flexus ipse Lambriacam urbem amplexus recipit fluvios Laeron et Ullam. Partem quae prominet Praesamarchi habitant, perque eos Tamaris et Sars flumina non longe orta decurrunt, Tamaris secundum Ebora portum, Sars iuxta turrem Augusti titulo memorabilem. Cetera super Tamarici Nerique incolunt in eo tractu ultimi. Hactenus enim ad occidentem versa litora pertinent. Deinde ad septentriones toto latere terra convertitur a Celtico promunturio ad Pyrenaeum usque. Perpetua eius ora, nisi ubi modici recessus ac parva promunturia sunt, ad Cantabros paene recta est. In ea primum Artabri sunt etiamnum Celticae gentis, deinde Astyres.', Pomponius Mela, Chorographia, III.7–9.
8. ^cf. Wodtko 2010: 355–362
9. ^Prósper 2002: 422 and 430
10. ^Prósper 2005: 336–338
11. ^Prósper 2012: 53–55
12. ^Curchin 2008: 117
13. ^Prósper 2002: 357–358
14. ^Prósper 2005: 282
15. ^1 Prósper 2005: 336
16. ^Prósper 2002: 422
17. ^Curchin 2008: 123
18. ^Prósper 2005: 269
19. ^Delamarre 2012: 165
20. ^Delamarre 2012: 2011
21. ^Vallejo 2005: 326
22. ^Koch 2011:34
23. ^Cf. Koch 2011: 76
24. ^Prósper 2002: 377
25. ^Búa 2007: 38–39
26. ^cf. DCECH s.v. lera
27. ^cf. DCECH s.v. llaviegu
28. ^cf. DCECH s.v. laja
29. ^cf. DCECH s.v. regar
30. ^Búa 2007
31. ^{{cite journal|last=Prósper|first=Blanca M.|title=Shifting the evidence: new interpretation of Celtic and non-Celtic personal names of Western Hispania|pages=1|url=https://www.academia.edu/attachments/31550329/download_file?st=MTM5NDc0NjkyNiw3Ny4yNy40My4xOTQ%3D&ct=MTM5NDc0NjkzMg%3D%3D|accessdate=13 March 2014}}
32. ^Prósper 2005: 342.
33. ^Moralejo 2010: 105
34. ^Luján 2006: 727–729
35. ^Prósper 2002: 357–382
36. ^Prósper 2005: 338; Jordán Cólera 2007: 754.
37. ^Prósper 2002: 425–426.
38. ^Prósper 2005: 336.
39. ^Prósper 2002: 205–215.
40. ^Luján 2006: 724
41. ^Prósper 2002: 397
42. ^{{cite journal|last=Prósper|first=B. M.|author2=Francisco Villar|title=NUEVA INSCRIPCIÓN LUSITANA PROCEDENTE DE PORTALEGRE|journal=EMERITA, Revista de Lingüística y Filología Clásica (EM)|year=2009|volume=LXXVII|issue=1|pages=1–32|url=http://emerita.revistas.csic.es/index.php/emerita/article/view/304/313|accessdate=11 June 2012}}
43. ^1 Prósper 2002: 423.
44. ^Prósper 2002: 211
45. ^{{cite book|last=González García|first=Francisco Javier|title=Los pueblos de la Galicia céltica|date=2007|publisher=Ediciones Akal|location=Madrid|isbn=9788446036210|page=409}}
46. ^Jordán Cólera 2007: 755
47. ^1 Wodtko 2010: 356
48. ^Prósper 2005: 266, 278
49. ^Prósper 2002: 423
50. ^Prósper 2005: 282.
51. ^Moralejo 2010: 107
52. ^{{cite journal|last=Prósper|first=Blanca M.|title=Shifting the evidence: new interpretation of Celtic and non-Celtic personal names of Western Hispania|pages=6–8|url=https://www.academia.edu/attachments/31550329/download_file?st=MTM5NDc0NjkyNiw3Ny4yNy40My4xOTQ%3D&ct=MTM5NDc0NjkzMg%3D%3D|accessdate=13 March 2014}}
53. ^Prósper 2005: 266
54. ^Jordán Cólera 2007: 763–764.
55. ^Prósper 2002: 422, 427
56. ^1 Prósper 2005: 345
57. ^Sometimes it has been read ELANIOBRENSI
58. ^Luján 2006: 727
59. ^Jordán Cólera 2007: 757.
60. ^Prósper 2002: 426
61. ^Prósper 2005: 346
62. ^{{cite book|last=Koch|first=John T|title=Tartessian 2: The Inscription of Mesas do Castelinho ro and the Verbal Complex. Preliminaries to Historical Phonology|year=2011|url=http://www.oxbowbooks.com/bookinfo.cfm/ID/91450//Location/Oxbow|publisher=Oxbow Books, Oxford, UK|isbn=978-1-907029-07-3|pages=53–54,144–145|deadurl=yes|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110723195518/http://www.oxbowbooks.com/bookinfo.cfm/ID/91450//Location/Oxbow|archivedate=2011-07-23|df=}}
63. ^Cf. Vallejo 2005: 321, who wrongly assign them to the Astures.
64. ^Prósper 2002: 422, 378–379
65. ^{{cite journal|last=Prósper|first=Blanca M.|title=Shifting the evidence: new interpretation of Celtic and non-Celtic personal names of Western Hispania|pages=10|url=https://www.academia.edu/attachments/31550329/download_file?st=MTM5NDc0NjkyNiw3Ny4yNy40My4xOTQ%3D&ct=MTM5NDc0NjkzMg%3D%3D|accessdate=13 March 2014}}
66. ^1 {{cite journal|last1=John T.|first1=Koch|title=Some Palaeohispanic Implications of the Gaulish Inscription of Rezé (Ratiatum)|journal=Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert|date=2015|pages=333–46|url=https://www.academia.edu/12949702/_2015_Some_Palaeohispanic_Implications_of_the_Gaulish_Inscription_of_Rez%C3%A9_Ratiatum_M%C3%A9langes_en_l_honneur_de_Pierre-Yves_Lambert_ed._G._Oudaer_G._Hily_H._Le_Bihan_333_46._Rennes_Universit%C3%A9_de_Rennes_2|accessdate=16 July 2015}}
67. ^{{cite journal|last=de Bernardo Stempel|first=Patrizia|title=El nombre -¿céltico?- de la "Pintia vaccea"|journal=BSAA Arqueología: Boletín del Seminario de Estudios de Arqueología|date=2009|issue=75|url=http://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3627410.pdf|accessdate=14 March 2014}}

Bibliography

  • Búa, Carlos (2007) O Thesaurus Paleocallaecus, in {{cite book|last=Kremer|first=Dieter (ed.)|title=Onomástica galega : con especial consideración da situación prerromana : actas do primeiro Coloquio de Trier 19 e 20 de maio de 2006|year=2007|publisher=Universidade de Santiago de Compostela|location=Santiago de Compostela|isbn=978-84-9750-794-3}}
  • Curchin, Leonard A. (2008) Estudios GallegosThe toponyms of the Roman Galicia: New Study. CUADERNOS DE ESTUDIOS GALLEGOS LV (121): 109-136.
  • DCECH = Coromines, Joan (2012). Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico. Madrid: Gredos. {{ISBN|978-84-249-3654-9}}.
  • {{cite book|last=Delamarre|first=Xavier|title=Noms de lieux celtiques de l'Europe ancienne (−500 / +500): dictionnaire|year=2012|publisher=Errance|location=Arles|isbn=978-2-87772-483-8}}
  • {{cite journal|last=Jordán Cólera|first=Carlos|title=Celtiberian|journal=e-Keltoi|date=March 16, 2007|volume=6|url=http://www4.uwm.edu/celtic/ekeltoi/volumes/vol6/6_17/jordan_6_17.pdf|accessdate=16 June 2010}}
  • {{cite book|last=Koch|first=John T.|title=Tartessian 2 : The inscription of Mesas do Castelinho ro and the verbal complex preliminaries to historical phonology|year=2011|publisher=University of Wales, Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies|location=Aberystwyth|isbn=978-1-907029-07-3}}
  • Luján Martínez, Eugenio R. (2006) The Language(s) of the Callaeci. e-Keltoi 6: 715-748.
  • {{cite journal|last=Moralejo|first=Juan José|title=TOPÓNIMOS CÉLTICOS EN GALICIA|journal=Paleohispánica|date=2010|volume=10|url=http://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/30/23/07moralejo.pdf|accessdate=14 March 2014}}
  • {{cite book|last=Prósper|first=Blanca María|title=Lenguas y religiones prerromanas del occidente de la península ibérica|year=2002|publisher=Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca|isbn=84-7800-818-7|pages=422–427}}
  • Prósper, Blanca María and Francisco Villar (2005). Vascos, Celtas e Indoeuropeos: Genes y lenguas. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. {{ISBN|978-84-7800-530-7}}.
  • {{cite journal|last=Prósper|first=Blanca María|title=Indo-European Divinities that Protected Livestock and the Persistence of Cross-Linguistic Semantic Paradigms: Dea Oipaingia|journal=The Journal of Indo-European Studies|year=2012|volume=40|issue=1–2|pages=46–58|url=https://www.academia.edu/1417828/Indo-European_divinities_that_protected_livestock_and_the_persistence_of_cross-linguistic_semantic_paradigms_Dea_Oipaingia|accessdate=25 February 2013}}
  • {{cite book|last=Vallejo Ruiz|first=José María|title=Antroponimia indígena de la Lusitania romana|year=2005|publisher=Univ. del País Vasco [u.a.]|location=Vitoria-Gasteiz|isbn=8483737469}}
  • Wodtko, Dagmar S. (2010) The Problem of Lusitanian, in {{cite book|last=Cunliffe|first=Barry, and John T. Koch (eds.)|title=Celtic from the West|year=2010|publisher=Oxbow books|location=Oxford, UK|isbn=978-1-84217-475-3}}
{{Celtic languages}}{{DEFAULTSORT:Gallaecian language}}

5 : Continental Celtic languages|Extinct Celtic languages|Galician etymology|Celtic languages|Extinct languages of Europe
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