“Jean Jaurès”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

Auguste Marie Joseph Jean Léon Jaurès, commonly referred to as Jean Jaurès ({{IPA-fr|ʒɑ̃ ʒɔ.ʁɛːs|lang}}; 3 September 1859{{spaced ndash}}31 July 1914), was a French Socialist leader. Initially a moderate republican, he was later one of the first social democrats, becoming the leader, in 1902, of the French Socialist Party, which opposed Jules Guesde's revolutionary Socialist Party of France. The two parties merged in 1905 in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). An antimilitarist, Jaurès was assassinated at the outbreak of World War I, and remains one of the main historical figures of the French Left.

Early career

The son of an unsuccessful businessman and farmer, Jean Jaurès was born in Castres (Tarn), into a modest French provincial haut-bourgeois family. His younger brother, Louis became an admiral and a Republican-Socialist deputy.

A brilliant student, Jaurès was educated at the Lycée Sainte-Barbe in Paris and admitted first at the École normale supérieure, in philosophy, in 1878, ahead of Henri Bergson. He obtained his agrégation of philosophy in 1881, ending up third, and then taught philosophy for two years at the Albi lycée before lecturing at the University of Toulouse. He was elected Republican deputy for the département of Tarn in 1885, sitting alongside the moderate Opportunist Republicans, opposed both to Georges Clemenceau's Radicals and to the Socialists. He then supported both Jules Ferry and Léon Gambetta.

Historian

In 1889, after unsuccessfully contesting the Castres seat, this time under the banner of Socialism, he returned to his professional duties at Toulouse, where he took an active interest in municipal affairs and helped to found the medical faculty of the University. He also prepared two theses for his doctorate in philosophy, {{lang|la|De primis socialismi germanici lineamentis apud Lutherum, Kant, Fichte et Hegel}} ("On the first delineations of German socialism in the writings of [Martin] Luther, [Immanuel] Kant, [Johann Gottlieb] Fichte and [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel") (1891), and {{lang|fr|De la réalité du monde sensible|italic=yes}}.

Jaurès became a highly influential historian of the French Revolution. Research in the archives in the {{lang|fr|Bibliothèque Nationale|italic=no}} in Paris led him to the formulation of a theoretical marxist interpretation of the events. His book {{lang|fr|Histoire Socialiste|italic=yes}} (1900–03) shaped interpretation from Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), Albert Soboul (1914–1982) and Georges Lefebvre (1874–1959) that came to dominate teaching analysis in class-conflict terms well into the 1980s. Jaurès emphasized the central role the middle class played in the aristocratic {{lang|fr|Brumaire}}, as well as the emergence of the working class "{{lang|fr|sans-culottes}}" who espoused a political outlook and social philosophy that came to dominate revolutionary movements on the left.^[1]^[2]

Rise to prominence

In 1892 the miners of {{lang|fr|Carmaux|italic=no}} went on strike over the dismissal of their leader, {{lang|fr|Jean Baptiste Calvignac|italic=no}}. {{lang|fr|Jaurès|italic=no}}'s campaigning forced the government to intervene and require {{lang|fr|Calvignac|italic=no}}'s reinstatement. The following year, Jaurès was re-elected to the National Assembly as socialist deputy for Tarn, a seat he retained (apart from the four years 1898 to 1902) until his death.

Defeated in the election of 1898 he spent four years without a legislative seat. His eloquent speeches nonetheless made him a force to be reckoned with as an intellectual champion of Socialism. He edited {{lang|fr|La Petite République|italic=yes}}, and was, along with {{lang|fr|Émile Zola|italic=no}}, one of the most energetic defenders of Alfred Dreyfus (during the Dreyfus Affair that polarized the Right and Left), army officers, and an educated newspaper readership. He approved of {{lang|fr|Alexandre Millerand|italic=no}}, and the socialist's inclusion in the {{lang|fr|René Waldeck-Rousseau|italic=no}} cabinet, though this led to an irredeemable split with the more revolutionary section led by {{lang|fr|Jules Guesde|italic=no}} forming the Independent Socialists Party.^[3]

SFIO leadership

In 1902 Jaurès was again returned as deputy for Albi. The independent socialists merged with Paul Brousse's "possibilist" (reformist) Federation of the Socialist Workers of France and Jean Allemane's Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party to form the French Socialist Party, of which Jaurès became the leader. They represented a social democratic stance, opposed to Jules Guesde's revolutionary Socialist Party of France.

During the Combes administration his influence secured the coherence of the Radical-Socialist coalition known as the {{lang|fr|Bloc des gauches}}, which enacted the 1905 French law on the Separation of the Churches and the State. In 1904, he founded the socialist paper {{lang|fr|L'Humanité|italic=yes}}.^[4] According to Geoffrey Kurtz, Jaures was "instrumental" in the reforms carried out by the administration, Emile Combes, "influencing the content of legislation and keeping the factions within the Bloc united."^[5] Following the Amsterdam Congress of the Second International, the French socialist groups held a Congress at Rouen in March 1905, which resulted in a new consolidation, with the merger of Jaurès's French Socialist Party and Guesde's Socialist Party of France. The new party, headed by Jaurès and Guesde, ceased to co-operate with the Radical groups, and became known as the {{lang|fr|Parti Socialiste Unifié|italic=yes}} (PSU, Unified Socialist Party), pledged to advance a collectivist programme. All the socialist movements unified the same year in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO).

On 1 May 1905 Jaurès visited a newly formed wine making cooperative in Maraussan.{{sfn|Vignerons coopérateurs de l'Hérault}} He said the peasants had to unite instead of refusing to help each other. He told them to, "in the vat of the Republic, prepare the wine of the Social Revolution!".{{sfn|Théobald|2014|p=70}} As the revolt of the Languedoc winegrowers developed, on 11 June 1907 Jaurès filed a bill with Jules Guesde that proposed nationalization of the wine estates.{{sfn|Bon}} After troops had shot wine growing demonstrators later that month, Parliament renewed its confidence in the government. Jaurès's {{lang|fr|L'Humanité|italic=yes}} carried the headline, "The House acquits the mass killers of the Midi".{{sfn|Bon}}

In the general elections of 1906, Jaurès was again elected for the Tarn. His ability was now generally recognized, but the strength of the SFIO still had to reckon with radical Georges Clemenceau, who was able to appeal to his countrymen (in a notable speech in the spring of 1906) to rally to a Radical programme which had no socialist ideas in view, although Clemenceau was sensitive to the conditions of the working class. Clemenceau's image as a strong and practical leader considerably diminished socialist populism. In addition to daily journalistic activity, Jaurès published {{lang|fr|Les preuves|italic=yes}}; {{lang|fr|Affaire Dreyfus|italic=yes}} (1900); {{lang|fr|Action socialiste|italic=yes}} (1899); {{lang|fr|Études socialistes|italic=yes}} (1902), and, with other collaborators, {{lang|fr|Histoire socialiste|italic=yes}} (1901), etc.

In 1911 he travelled to Lisbon and Buenos Aires. He supported, albeit not without criticisms, the teaching of regional languages, such as Occitan, Basque and Breton, commonly known as "patois", thus opposing, on this issue, traditional Republican jacobinism.^[6]

Anti-militarism

Jaurès was a committed antimilitarist who tried to use diplomatic means to prevent what became the First World War. In 1913, he opposed Émile Driant's Three-Year Service Law, which implemented a draft period, and tried to promote understanding between France and Germany. As conflict became imminent, he tried to organise general strikes in France and Germany in order to force the governments to back down and negotiate. This proved difficult, however, as many Frenchmen sought revenge ({{lang|fr|revanche}}) for their country's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War and the return of the lost Alsace-Lorraine territory. Then, in May 1914, with Jaurès intending to form an alliance with Joseph Caillaux for the labour movement, the Socialists won the General Election. They planned to take office and "press for a policy of European peace". Jaurès accused French President Raymond Poincaré of being "more Russian than Russia"; whereas Viviani complied.

In July 1914, he attended the Socialist Congress in Brussels where he struck up a constructive solidarity with German socialist party leader Hugo Haase. On the 20th of that month, Jaurès voted against a parliamentary subsidy for Poincaré's visit to St Petersburg; which he condemned as both dangerous and provocative. The Caillaux–Jaurès alliance were dedicated to defeating military objectives aimed toward precipitating war. France sent a mission, headed by Poincaré, to coordinate French and Russian responses. Always a pacifist, Jaurès rushed back to Paris to attempt an impossible reconciliation with the government. Russia had partially mobilized, which Germany took as an extreme provocation.^[7]

Assassination

On 31 July 1914, Jaurès was assassinated by a fanatic. At 9 pm, he went to dine at the Café du Croissant, 146, rue Montmartre. Forty minutes later, Raoul Villain, a 29-year-old French nationalist, walked up to the restaurant window and fired two shots into Jaurès' back.^[8] He died five minutes later, at 9.45 pm. Jaurès had been due to attend an international conference on 9 August, in an attempt to dissuade the belligerent parties from going ahead with the war.^[9] Villain also intended to murder Madame Caillaux with his two engraved pistols.^[10] Tried after World War I and acquitted, he was later killed by Spanish Republicans in 1936.

Shock waves ran through the streets of Paris. One of the government's most charismatic and compelling orators had been assassinated. Even his opponent, Poincaré, sent his sympathies to his widow. Paris was on the brink of revolution: Jaurès had been partisan for a general strike, and had narrowly avoided sedition charges. One important consequence was that the cabinet postponed the arrest of socialist revolutionaries. Viviani reassured Britain of Belgian neutrality but "the gloves were off". Jaurès' murder brought matters one step closer to world war. It helped to destabilise the French government, whilst simultaneously breaking a link in the chain of international solidarity. Speaking at Jaurès' funeral a few days later, the CGT leader, Leon Jouhaux, declared, "All working men... we take the field with the determination to drive back the aggressor."^[11] As if in reverence to his memory, the Socialists in the Chamber agreed to suspend all sabotage activity in support of the Union Sacrée. Poincaré commented that, "In the memory of man, there had never been anything more beautiful in France."^[12]

Political legacy

Jaurès and Caillaux believed, after the latter was cleared of the murder his wife had committed, that they could expose the President's secret deal with Russia. This would have led to a policy of détente with Germany, preventing war and the inevitable carnage from 1915. Russia had covertly subsidized Poincaré's election campaign.^[15]

Poincaré had therefore abandoned socialism for another party and warfare. Even if Germany intentionally condemned Belgium to occupation, they had already accused Russia of starting the conflict.^[16]

In the centenary year of his assassination, politicians from all sides of the political spectrum paid tribute to him and claimed he would have supported them. François Hollande declared that "Jaurès, the man of socialism, is today the man of all of France" whilst in 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy declared that his party was Jaurès' successor.^[17]

In popular culture

See also

References

1. ^James Friguglietti and Barry Rothaus, "A new view of Jean Jaures' Histoire Socialiste." Consortium on Revolutionary Europe 1750–1850: Selected Papers (1994), pp 254-261.
2. ^James Friguglietti, "Albert Mathiez, an Historian at War." French Historical Studies (1972): 570–586 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/286199 in JSTOR]
3. ^See the 26 November 1900 debate between Jules Guesde and Jaurès {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061116024253/http://www.lours.org/default.asp?pid=331 |date=2006-11-16 }}. {{fr icon}}
4. ^{{cite journal |author=Raphael Levy |title=The Daily Press in France |journal=The Modern Language Journal |date=January 1929 |volume=13 |issue=4 |jstor=315897 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-4781.1929.tb01247.x }}
5. ^[https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=uyNyBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA118&lpg=PA118&dq=%C3%89mile+Combes+social+reforms&source=bl&ots=5Yj5yIYEsL&sig=my1A5wZ6ZVrON6aVSSrI1OrVDZY&hl=en&sa=X&ei=-m8yVa2FNrTG7Abf-YHAAg&ved=0CEsQ6AEwCQ#v=onepage&q=%C3%89mile%20Combes%20social%20reforms&f=false Combes social reforms]
6. ^Jean Jaurès, "L'éducation populaire et les "patois"", in La Dépêche, 15 August 1911
"Méthode comparée", in Revue de l'Enseignement Primaire, 15 October 1911. On-line {{fr icon}}
7. ^Luigi Albertini, Origins, III, pp. 94-95; McMeekin, p.324
8. ^{{cite web |last1=Tharoor |first1=Ishan |title=The other assassination that led up to World War I |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2014/07/31/the-other-assassination-that-led-up-to-world-war-i/?noredirect=on |website=washingtonpost.com |accessdate=4 October 2018}}
9. ^{{Cite book|author=Robert Tombs|title=France 1814–1914|publisher=Longman|year=1996|isbn=978-0-582-49314-8|page=481|chapter=To The Sacred Union, 1914|location=London}}
10. ^Berenson, The trials of Mme Caillaux, p.242
11. ^Albertini, Origins, III, p. 225
12. ^McMeekin, p.376
13. ^{{Cite web|url=http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/histoire/jaures/livret/livret-5.asp |title=Le Panthéon (1924): Collection Bibliothèque de l'Assemblée nationale|language=French|year=2012|work=National Assembly of France|accessdate=8 April 2012 }}
14. ^Jaures murder
15. ^Beatty (2012) states that "[T]he close January 17, 1913, vote in the Chamber... elevated Poincaré to the presidency... Rumored at the time, Russian subsidies to the Paris press were revealed in the 1920s by L'Humanité, the journal of the French Communist party, the Bolsheviks having supplied the editors with the tsarist documents. By 1912, the subsidies, administered by the French finance minister, M. Klotz, totaled more than two million francs a year. For this sum, Russia got favorable publicity for its railroad loan requests, for the presidential candidacy of Raymond Poincaré, and for his pro-Russian policies as premier and president.[footnote 76, details on p. 366] Always awkward, the Republic's alliance with tsarist autocracy became so close under Poincaré that a Toulouse paper could plausibly ask: 'Is France Republican or Cossack?'" (p. 234). Foornote 76 (p. 366) states "For details on reptile fund, see Sidney B. Fay, The Origins of the War, vol. 1 (New York: Macmillan, 1927), 270, n. 79. Also James William Long, "Russian Manipulation of the French Press, 1904-1906," Slavic Review 31, no. 2 (June 1972): 343-54. Berenson, The Trial of Madame Caillaux, 235-36."
16. ^Luigi Albertini, Origins, III, pp. 94-95; McMeekin, p.324
17. ^{{cite news|url=http://www.france24.com/en/20140731-100-years-france-remembers-murdered-socialist-hero-jean-jaures|title=France remembers murdered socialist hero Jean Jaurès|author=Sam Ball|work=www.france24.com|date=31 July 2014|accessdate=5 April 2017}}
18. ^Trains Al Stewart.
19. ^Áine McGillicuddy, René Schickele and Alsace: Cultural Identity Between the Borders. Bern: Peter Lang 2010, page 110.

Sources