释义 |
- Reconstructions Ratliff (2010) Wang & Mao (1995)
- Phonology Ratliff (2010) Ostapirat (2016)
- Vocabulary
- External relationships Austroasiatic Kra-Dai Austronesian Tibeto-Burman
- See also
- Notes
- References Citations Sources
{{Short desc|Reconstruction of an ancestor for the language family}}The Proto-Hmong–Mien language ({{zh|原始苗瑶语}}) is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmong–Mien languages. The date of proto-Hmong-Mien has been estimated to be about 2500 BP by Sagart, Blench, and Sanchez-Mazas and about 4243 BP by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (ASJP).[1] Lower-level reconstructions include Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic. ReconstructionsReconstructions of Proto-Hmong-Mien include those of Purnell (1970),[2] Wang & Mao (1995), Ratliff (2010), and Chen (2013), and Ostapirat (2016). Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) has also been reconstructed by Wang (1994),[3] while Proto-Mienic (Proto-Mjuenic; reconstruction excludes Biao Min and Zao Min) has been reconstructed by Luang-Thongkum (1993).[4] Ratliff (2010)Martha Ratliff (2010) used 11 criterion languages for her reconstruction. - East Hmongic (Qiandong); Northern vernacular: Yanghao 养蒿, Yanghao Township, Taijiang County, Guizhou
- North Hmongic (Xiangxi); Western vernacular: Jiwei 吉卫, Jiwei Township, Huayuan County, Hunan
- West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian): White Hmong of Laos and Thailand
- West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Mashan subdialect, Central vernacular: Zongdi 宗地, Zongdi Township, Ziyun County, Guizhou
- West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Luopohe subdialect: Fuyuan 复员, Fuyuan County, Yunnan
- Hmongic; Jiongnai: Changdong Township 长垌, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
- Hmongic; Baiyun Pa-Hng: Baiyun 白云, Rongshui County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Mien, Luoxiang vernacular: Luoxiang Township 罗香, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Mun: Lanjin Township 览金, Lingyun County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Biao Min: Dongshan Yao Township 东山, Quanzhou County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Zao Min: Daping Township 大平, Liannan County, Guangdong
Wang & Mao (1995) Wang & Mao (1995) base their Proto-Hmong-Mien reconstruction from the following 23 criterion Hmong-Mien languages. - Yanghao 养蒿; Hmu, North (ISO 693-3: [hea])
- Jiwei 吉卫; Qo Xiong, West [mmr]
- Xianjin 先进 ( = Dananshan 大南山); Chuanqiandian Miao, 1st lect [cqd]
- Shimenkan 石门坎; Diandongbei Miao [hmd]
- Qingyan 青岩;{{efn|Baituo, Qingyan Township, Huaxi District, Guiyang 贵阳市花溪区青岩乡摆托寨}} Guiyang Miao, North [huj]
- Gaopo 高坡; Huishui Miao, North [hmi]
- Zongdi 宗地; Mashan Miao, Central [hmm]
- Fuyuan 复员;{{efn|Yejipo, Ganba Township, Fuquan County 福泉县甘坝乡野鸡坡寨}} Luopohe Miao, 2nd lect [hml]
- Fengxiang 枫香; Chong'anjiang Miao [hmj]
- Qibainong 七百弄; Bunu, Dongnu [bwx]
- Yaoli 瑶里;{{efn|Mangjiang, Yaoli Township, Nandan County 南丹县瑶里乡芒降村}} Nao Klao, Baonuo [bwx]
- Wenjie 文界; Pa-Hng, Sanjiang [pha]
- Changdong 长峒; Jiongnai [pnu]
- Duozhu 多祝;{{efn|Chenhu, Duozhu Township, Huidong County 惠东县多祝乡陈湖村}} She [shx]
- Jiangdi 江底; Iu Mien, Guangdian [ium]
- Xiangjiang 湘江; Iu Mien, Xiangnan [ium]
- Luoxiang 罗香; Luoxiang Mien {{sc|aka}} Ao Biao [ium]
- Changping 长坪; Changping Mien {{sc|aka}} Biao Mon [ium]
- Liangzi 梁子; Kim Mun [mji]
- Lanjin 览金; Kim Mun [mji]
- Dongshan 东山; Biao Mon, Dongshan [bmt]
- Sanjiang 三江; Biao Mon, Shikou {{sc|aka}} Chao Kong Meng [bmt]
- Daping 大坪; Dzao Min [bpn]
PhonologyRatliff (2010)Martha Ratliff's 2010 reconstruction contains the following phonemic inventory. - 51–54 consonants (including pre-glottalized and pre-nasalized consonants)
- 9 monophthong vowels
- 7 diphthongs
- 11 nasal rimes
Not accounting for pre-nasalized, pre-glottalized, and pre-aspirated consonants, Ratliff's (2010: 31) Proto-Hmong-Mien consonants are (22 total): Nasal | Alveolar | Postalveolar | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | Glottal | Aspirated stop | pʰ | tʰ | tsʰ | cʰ | kʰ |
---|
Voiceless stop | p | t | ts | c | k | q | ʔ |
---|
Voiced stop | b | d | dz | ɟ | ɡ | ɢ |
---|
Voiced nasal | m | n | ɲ | ŋ |
---|
Voiced glide | w | j |
---|
Voiceless fricative | s | ɕ | h |
---|
The 3 medial consonants are *-j-, *-l-, and *-r-. The 6 final stop consonants are *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ. Including pre-nasalized, pre-glottalized, and pre-aspirated consonants, the full set of Proto-Hmong-Mien initial consonants is (Ratliff 2010: 31): Nasal | Alveolar | Postalveolar | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | Glottal | Aspirated stop | pʰ | tʰ | tsʰ | cʰ | kʰ |
---|
Voiceless stop | p | t | ts | c | k | q/(qʷ) | ʔ |
---|
Voiced stop | b | d | dz | ɟ | ɡ | ɢ |
---|
Aspirated pre-nasalized stop | mpʰ | ntʰ | ntsʰ | ɲcʰ | ŋkʰ |
---|
Voiceless pre-nasalized stop | mp | nt | nts | ɲc | ŋk | ɴq |
---|
Voiced pre-nasalized stop | mb | nd | ndz | ɲɟ | ŋɡ | ɴɢ |
---|
Voiced nasal | m | n | ɲ/(ɲʷ) | (ŋ)/(ŋʷ) |
---|
Pre-glottalized nasal | ʔm | ʔn | ʔɲ |
---|
Aspirated nasal | ʰm | ʰn | ʰɲ |
---|
Voiced glide | w | j |
---|
Pre-glottalized glide | ʔw | ʔj |
---|
Aspirated glide | (ʰw) | ʰj |
---|
Voiceless fricative | s | ɕ | h |
---|
Voiced fricative | (ɣ) | (ɦ) |
---|
The Proto-Hmong-Mien vowels are (11 total) (Ratliff 2010: 108): Front (unrounded) | Central (unrounded) | Central | Central (rounded) | Back (rounded) | High | i | ɨ | ʉ | u |
---|
Mid-high | e | o |
---|
Central | ə |
---|
Mid-low | ɛ | ɔ |
---|
Near-low | æ |
---|
Low | a |
---|
Proto-Hmong–Mien has the following syllable structure (Ratliff 2010:10): {{quote| (C) C {{IPA|[j/w/l] [i̯/u̯]}} (V) V C (C)T}}Ratliff does not reconstruct vowel length for either Proto-Mienic or Proto-Hmong-Mien. Even though Mienic languages usually have vowel length, Ratliff ascribes this to areal features that were borrowed after the breakup of Proto-Mienic.[5] Neighboring languages with vowel length include Cantonese and Zhuang. Ostapirat (2016)Ostapirat (2016)[6] revises various reconstructed Proto-Hmong-Mien consonant initials proposed by Ratliff (2010), and suggests that many proto-initials are in fact sesquisyllables, in line with Baxter & Sagart's (2014) Old Chinese reconstruction and Pittayaporn's (2009) Proto-Tai reconstruction. Examples include reconstructing *m.l- and *m.r- where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs *mbl- and *mbr-, respectively. Ostapirat (2016) also reconstructs velarized initial consonants (*Cˠ-) where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs -j- or -w-. Additionally, Ostapirat revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.), and her palatals as either alveolars or palatals. VocabularyBelow are some reconstructed words roughly belonging to the semantic domains of agriculture and subsistence (Ratliff 2004; Greenhill et al. 2008; Starling 1998). Terms for domesticated animals and non-rice crops are usually shared with Chinese, while vocabulary relating to hunting, rice crops, and local plants and animals are usually not shared with Chinese. Proto- Hmong–Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Old Chinese | English | *ntshu C1 | lhaŋʔ (象) | elephant | *ʔlen A1 | w(h)an (猿) | monkey | *ŋgeu B2 | krun (麇) | river deer | *tʂo B1 | hlāʔ (虎) | tiger | *Glɐn B2 | shōŋ (蔥) | Chinese onion | *Nqaːn A1 | mrū (茅) | cogon grass | *n̥Ak B1 | nhāʔ (弩) | crossbow | *pwɒn B1 ~ *pənX | m-lak-s (射) | to shoot | *ɳõ C2 | łhuk (逐) | to track, follow | *qəi A1 | kē (雞) | chicken | *m-nɔk | ttiwʔ (鳥) | bird | *qlAu B1 ~ *qluwX | *hmaŋ C | kkhwirʔ (犬) | dog | *ʔaːp B1 | ʔrāp (鴨) | duck | *mpɒ C1 | prā (豝) | pig | *ʑwɒəːŋ A2 | g(h)ʷān (羊) | sheep/goat | *ŋɔːŋ A2 | lhijʔ (兕) | water buffalo | *dəp D2 | d(h)ōs (豆) | bean | *peu B1 | snikʷ (菽) | soybean | *vəu C2 | was (芋) | taro | *mblau A2 | lhūʔ (稻) | rice plant; growing/unhusked rice | *ntsəːi C1 | mhījʔ (米) | husked rice | *ɲaːŋ C1 | mhījʔ (米) | cooked rice |
The ethnonym Hmong is reconstructed as *hmʉŋA in Proto-Hmongic by Ratliff (2010), while Mien is reconstructed as *mjænA in Proto-Mienic. In comparison, William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart (2014)[7] reconstruct the Old Chinese name of the Mán 蠻 (Nanman 南蠻, or southern foreigners) as {{linktext|蠻}} *mˤro[n]. External relationshipsThe Proto-Hmong-Mien language shares many lexical similarities with neighboring language families, including Austroasiatic, Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai), Austronesian, and Tibeto-Burman (Ratliff 2010). Martha Ratliff (2010:233-237) lists the following lexical resemblances between Proto-Hmong-Mien (abbreviated below as PHM) and other language families. Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic are provided if the Proto-Hmong-Mien form is not reconstructed. AustroasiaticMany lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic language families (Ratliff 2010), some of which had earlier been proposed by Haudricourt (1951).[8] Proto-Austroasiatic (PAA) reconstructions are from Sidwell & Rau (2015).[9] - Lexical resemblances with
- //Austroasiatic languages">Austroasiatic
- PHM ʔu̯əm 'water'
- PHM ntshjamX 'blood'; PAA saːm ‘to bleed’
- PHM ntju̯əŋH 'tree'
- PHM ʔɲæmX 'to weep, cry'
- PHM pənX 'to shoot'
- PHM tu̯eiX 'tail'; PAA sntaʔ
- PHM mpeiH 'to dream'
- PHM ʔpu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PAA biːŋ; beːɲ
- Proto-Hmongic mbrɔD 'ant'
- Proto-Mienic səpD 'centipede'
- PHM klup 'grasshopper'
- PHM ntshjeiX 'head louse'; PAA ciːʔ
Other Austroasiatic parallels listed by Kosaka (2002:94) are:[10] - PHM tshuŋX 'bone'; PAA cʔaːŋ
- PHM S-phreiX 'head'
- PHM pji̯əuX 'fruit'
- PHM pjɔu 'three'
Ostapirat (2018:116-117)[11] lists compares the following basic vocabulary items in Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic. Gloss | Proto-Hmong-Mien (Ratliff 2010) | Proto-Vietic (Ferlus 1991)[12] | Proto-Wa (Diffloth 1980)[13] | louse | *ntshjeiX | *ciʔ | *siʔ |
---|
fruit | *pji̯əuX | *pleʔ | *pliʔ |
---|
road | *kləuX | *khraʔ | *kraʔ |
---|
shoot | *pənX | *paɲʔ | *pɤɲ |
---|
blood | *ntshjamX | *asaːmʔ | *hnam |
---|
weep | *ʔɲæmX | *jaːmʔ, *ɲaːmʔ | *jam |
---|
hawk | *qlaŋX | *klaːŋʔ | *klaŋ |
---|
cooked | *sjenX (Proto-Hmongic) | *ciːnʔ | *sin |
---|
heavy | *hnjeinX | *naŋʔ | (*s-jen) |
---|
full | *pu̯ɛŋX | pɔiŋ (Mon) | phoiɲ (Khasi) |
---|
nose | *mbruiH | *muːs | *mɨs |
---|
name | *mpɔuH | jhmoh (Middle Khmer) | *mɨs |
---|
horn | *klɛɔŋ | *kərəŋ | *ʔrɤŋ |
---|
water | *ʔu̯əm | ʔom (Palaung) | *rʔom |
---|
live, alive | *ʔjəm | ʔim (Palaung) | *ʔem |
---|
I | *ʔja (Proto-Mienic) | ʔoa (Mon) | *ʔɨʔ |
---|
thou | *mu̯ei | mày (Vietnamese) | me (Khasi) |
---|
one | *ʔɨ | - | ʔu (Palaung) |
---|
two | *ʔu̯i | - | ʔa (Palaung) |
---|
three | *pjɔu | paj (Kui) | - |
---|
Further lexical resemblances between Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic are listed in Hsiu (2017).[14] Kra-DaiMany lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Kra-Dai language families, although the tones often do not correspond (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Tai (abbreviated here as PT) reconstructions are from Pittayaporn (2009).[15] Many of the Proto-Tai forms also have close parallels with Proto-Austronesian. - Lexical resemblances with
- //Kra-Dai languages">Kra-Dai
- Proto-Hmongic kɛŋB 'I, 1.{{sc|SG}}'; PT kuːA (strong form), kawA (weak form)
- PHM mu̯ei 'thou, 2.{{sc|SG}}'; PT mɯŋA (strong form), maɰA (weak form)
- PHM təjH 'to die', dəjH 'to kill'; PT p.taːjA 'to die'
- PHM ʔneinX 'this'; PT najC
- PHM m-nɔk 'bird'; PT C̬.nokD
- PHM mbrəuX 'fish'; PT plaːA
- Proto-Hmongic hmaŋC 'wild dog'; PT ʰmaːA 'dog'
- Proto-Hmongic ʔlinA 'monkey'; PT liːŋA
Kosaka (2002)[10] lists many lexical between Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages, and proposes that they form part of a larger Miao-Dai language family. AustronesianMany lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austronesian language families, some of which are also shared with Kra-Dai and Austroasiatic (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Austronesian (abbreviated here as PAN) and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (abbreviated here as PMP) reconstructions are from Blust (n.d.).[16] - Lexical resemblances with
- //Austronesian languages">Austronesian and Kra-Dai
- Proto-Hmongic kɛŋB 'I, 1.{{sc|SG}}'; PMP -ku 'my'
- PHM mu̯ei 'thou, 2.{{sc|SG}}'; PAN -mu '2nd person'
- PHM mi̯əu 'you (plural), 2.{{sc|PL}}'; PAN -mu '2nd person'
- PHM təjH 'to die'; PAN ma-aCay
- PHM dəjH 'to kill'; PAN pa-aCay
- PHM m-nɔk 'bird'; PMP manuk
- Lexical resemblances with
- //Austronesian languages">Austronesian and Austroasiatic
- PHM tu̯eiX 'tail'; PMP buntut
- PHM pu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PMP penuq
- PHM pənX 'to shoot'; PMP panaq
- PHM mpeiH 'to dream'; PAN Sepi, PMP hi(m)pi
- Other lexical resemblances with
- //Austronesian languages">Austronesian
- PHM mlu̯ɛjH 'soft'; PMP ma-lumu
- PHM dəp 'bite'; PMP ketep
- PHM klæŋ 'insect, worm, maggot'; PAN qulej 'maggot'
- PHM tɛmX 'body louse'; PAN CumeS, PMP tumah 'clothes louse'
Tibeto-BurmanRatliff notes that the Hmong-Mien numerals from 4-9 and various culture-related vocabulary have been borrowed from Tibeto-Burman. The Proto-Tibeto-Burman (abbreviated as PTB) forms provided below are from James Matisoff (2003).[17] - Lexical borrowings from
- //Tibeto-Burman languages">Tibeto-Burman
- PHM plei 'four' < PTB b-ləy (STEDT #2409)
- PHM prja 'five' < PTB b-ŋa (STEDT #1306)
- PHM kruk 'six' < PTB d-k-ruk (STEDT #2621)
- PHM dzjuŋH 'seven'
- PHM jat 'eight' < PTB b-r-gyat ~ b-g-ryat (STEDT #2259)
- PHM N-ɟuə 'nine' < PTB d/s-kəw (STEDT #2364)
- Proto-Hmongic hnɛŋA and Proto-Mienic hnu̯ɔiA 'sun, day' < PTB s-nəy (STEDT #85)
- PHM hlaH 'moon, month' < PTB s-la (STEDT #1016)
- PHM hməŋH 'night' (also 'dark') < PTB s-muːŋ 'dark' (STEDT #522; #2465)
- PHM ʔɲam 'sister-in-law' (also 'daughter-in-law') < PTB nam 'daughter-in-law' (STEDT #2486)
- PHM ʔweiX 'son-in-law' < PTB krwəy (STEDT #2348)
- PHM hlep 'to slice' < PTB s-lep (STEDT #2401)
- PHM hmjænX 'footprint, track' < PTB s-naŋ 'to follow' (STEDT #2488)
- Proto-Hmongic mjænB 'horse' < PTB mraŋ (STEDT #1431)
Additionally, Paul K. Benedict (1987)[18] notes that Proto-Hmong-Mien contain loanwords from an unknown Tibeto-Burman language or branch, which Benedict refers to as Donor Miao-Yao. Reconstructions for some numerals that Benedict (1987) reconstructed for Proto-Donor Miao-Yao are given below. - pliA 'four'
- praA 'five'
- truk 'six'
- znis 'seven'
- hryat 'eight'
- t-guA 'nine'
- gup 'ten'
See also- List of Proto-Hmong-Mien reconstructions (Wiktionary)
- List of Proto-Hmongic reconstructions (Wiktionary)
- List of Proto-Mienic reconstructions (Wiktionary)
- Hmong-Mien comparative vocabulary list (Wiktionary)
Notes {{Notelist}} References Citations 1. ^{{cite web |url=http://wwwstaff.eva.mpg.de/~wichmann/AutomatedDatingFinal.pdf |title=Archived copy |accessdate=2013-12-30 |deadurl=yes |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20131127082301/http://wwwstaff.eva.mpg.de/~wichmann/AutomatedDatingFinal.pdf |archivedate=2013-11-27 |df= }} 2. ^Purnell, Herbert C., Jr. 1970. Toward a reconstruction of Proto-Miao-Yao. PhD dissertation, Cornell University. 3. ^Wang, Fushi 王輔世. 1994. Miaoyu guyin gouni 苗语古音構擬 / Reconstruction of Proto-Miao Language. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA) / Ajia Afurika Gengo Bunka Kenkyūjo 國立亞非語言文化硏究所. 4. ^L-Thongkum, Theraphan. 1993. A view on Proto-Mjuenic (Yao). Mon-Khmer Studies 22:163-230. 5. ^Ratliff, Martha. 2007. "Contrastive Vowel Length in Mienic: Inheritance or Diffusion?" In SEALS XIII Papers from the 13th Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 2003, edited by Iwasaki Shoichi et al. Canberra, Australia, 223-229. Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University. 6. ^Ostapirat, Weera. 2016. Issues in the Reconstruction and Affiliation of Proto-Miao-Yao. Language and Linguistics 17(1) 133–145. {{doi|10.1177/1606822X15614522}} 7. ^Baxter, William H. and Laurent Sagart. 2014. Old Chinese: A New Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, {{ISBN|978-0-19-994537-5}}. 8. ^Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1951. [https://www.persee.fr/doc/befeo_0336-1519_1951_num_44_2_5185 Introduction à la phonologie historique des langues miao-yao] [An introduction to the historical phonology of the Miao-Yao languages]. Bulletin de l’École Française d'Extrême-Orient 44(2). 555–576. 9. ^Sidwell, Paul and Felix Rau (2015). "Austroasiatic Comparative-Historical Reconstruction: An Overview." In Jenny, Mathias and Paul Sidwell, eds (2015). The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. 10. ^1 Kosaka, Ryuichi. 2002. "On the affiliation of Miao-Yao and Kadai: can we posit the Miao-Dai Family?" In The Mon-Khmer Studies Journal, 32: 71-100. 11. ^Ostapirat, Weera. 2018. "[https://minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp/?action=repository_uri&item_id=7894&file_id=22&file_no=1 Macrophyletic Trees of East Asian Languages Re examined]." In Let's Talk about Trees, ed. by Ritsuko Kikusawa and Lawrence A. Reid. Osaka: Senri Ethnological Studies, Minpaku. {{doi|10.15021/00009006}} 12. ^Ferlus, Michel. 1991. Vocalisme du Proto-Viet-Muong. Paper presented at the 24th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, Thailand, 7–11 October, 1991. 13. ^Diffloth, Gérard. 1980. The Wa Languages. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 5(2): 1–182. 14. ^Hsiu, Andrew. 2017. [https://sites.google.com/site/msealangs/home/blog/hm-aa Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic look-alikes]. 15. ^Pittayaporn, Pittayawat. 2009. The Phonology of Proto-Tai. Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Linguistics, Cornell University. 16. ^Blust, Robert. n.d. Austronesian Comparative Dictionary. Manuscript. 17. ^{{citation | first = James A. | last = Matisoff | authorlink = James Matisoff | title = Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and Philosophy of Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction | location = Berkeley | publisher = University of California Press | year = 2003 | isbn = 978-0-520-09843-5 | url = http://escholarship.org/uc/item/19d79619 | postscript = . }} 18. ^Benedict, Paul K. 1987. "Early MY/TB Loan Relationships." In Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area, 10 , no. 2: 12-21.
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{{refend}}{{Hmong-Mien languages}}{{DEFAULTSORT:Proto-Hmong-Mien Language}} 2 : Hmong–Mien languages|Proto-languages |