| 词条 | Russian phonology | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 释义 |
This article discusses the phonological system of standard Russian based on the Moscow dialect (unless otherwise noted). For an overview of dialects in the Russian language, see Russian dialects. Most descriptions of Russian describe it as having five vowel phonemes, though there is some dispute over whether a sixth vowel, {{IPA|/ɨ/}}, is separate from {{IPA|/i/}}. Russian has 34 consonants, which can be divided into two types:
Russian also distinguishes hard consonants from soft (palatalized) consonants and from consonants followed by {{IPA|/j/}}, making four sets in total: {{IPA|/C Cʲ Cj Cʲj/}}, although {{IPA|/Cj/}} in native words appears only at morpheme boundaries. Russian also preserves palatalized consonants that are followed by another consonant more often than other Slavic languages do. Like Polish, it has both hard postalveolars ({{IPA|/ʂ ʐ/}}) and soft ones ({{IPA|/t͡ɕ ɕː ʑː/}}). Russian has vowel reduction in unstressed syllables. This feature applies in Slavic languages like Belarusian, Ukrainian and Bulgarian, and is also found in English, but not in western Slavic languages, such as Polish and Czech. Vowels
Russian has five or six vowels in stressed syllables, {{IPA|/i, u, e, o, a/}} and in some analyses {{IPA|/ɨ/}}, but in most cases these vowels have merged to only two to four vowels when unstressed: {{IPA|/i, u, a/}} (or {{IPA|/ɨ, u, a/}}) after hard consonants and {{IPA|/i, u/}} after soft ones. A long-standing dispute among linguists is whether Russian has five vowel phonemes or six; that is, scholars disagree as to whether {{IPA|[ɨ]}} constitutes an allophone of {{IPA|/i/}} or if there is an independent phoneme {{IPA|/ɨ/}}. The five-vowel analysis, taken up by the Moscow school, rests on the complementary distribution of {{IPA|[ɨ]}} and {{IPA|[i]}}, with the former occurring after hard (non-palatalized) consonants and {{IPA|[i]}} elsewhere. The six-vowel view, held by the Saint-Petersburg (Leningrad) phonology school, points to several phenomena to make its case:
The most popular view among linguists (and that taken up in this article) is that of the Moscow school,{{Sfn|Chew|2003|p=61}} though Russian pedagogy has typically taught that there are six vowels (the term phoneme is not used).[2] Reconstructions of Proto-Slavic show that {{lang|sla|*i}} and {{lang|sla|*y}} (which correspond to {{IPA|[i]}} and {{IPA|[ɨ]}}) were separate phonemes. On the other hand, numerous alternations between the two sounds in Russian indicate clearly that at one point the two sounds were reanalyzed as allophones of each other.{{citation needed|date=November 2013}} Allophony
Russian vowels are subject to considerable allophony, subject to both stress and the palatalization of neighboring consonants. In most unstressed positions, in fact, only three phonemes are distinguished after hard consonants, and only two after soft consonants. Unstressed {{IPA|/o/}} and {{IPA|/a/}} have merged to {{IPA|/a/}} (a phenomenon known as {{lang-rus|а́канье|ákan'je}}); unstressed {{IPA|/i/}} and {{IPA|/e/}} have merged to {{IPA|/i/}} ({{lang-rus|и́канье|íkan'je}}); and all four unstressed vowels have merged after soft consonants, except in absolute final position in a word. None of these mergers are represented in writing. Front vowelsWhen a preceding consonant is hard, {{IPA|/i/}} is retracted to {{IPAblink|ɨ}}. Formant studies in {{Harvcoltxt|Padgett|2001}} demonstrate that {{IPAblink|ɨ}} is better characterized as slightly diphthongized from the velarization of the preceding consonant,[3] implying that a phonological pattern of using velarization to enhance perceptual distinctiveness between hard and soft consonants is strongest before {{IPA|/i/}}. When unstressed, {{IPA|/i/}} becomes near-close; that is, {{IPAblink|ɨ̞}} following a hard consonant and {{IPAblink|ɪ}} in most other environments.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|pp=37-38}} Between soft consonants, both stressed and unstressed {{IPA|/i/}} are raised,{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=31}} as in {{lang|ru|пить}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-пить.ogg|[pʲi̝tʲ]}} ('to drink') and {{lang|ru|маленький}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-маленький.ogg|[ˈmalʲɪ̝nʲkʲɪj]|help=no}} ('small'). When preceded and followed by coronal or dorsal consonants, {{IPAblink|ɨ}} is fronted to {{IPA|[ɨ̟]}}.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=33}} After a cluster of a labial and {{IPA|/l/}}, {{IPAblink|ɨ}} is retracted, as in {{lang|ru|плыть}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-плыть.ogg|[pɫɨ̠tʲ]|help=no}} ('to float'); it is also slightly diphthongized to {{IPA|[ɯ̟ɨ̟]}}.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=33}} In native words, {{IPA|/e/}} only follows unpaired (i.e. the retroflexes and {{IPA|/t͡s/}}) and soft consonants. After soft consonants (but not before), it is a mid vowel {{IPAblink|ɛ̝}} (hereafter represented without the diacritic for simplicity), while a following soft consonant raises it to close-mid {{IPAblink|e}}. Another allophone, an open-mid {{IPAblink|ɛ}} occurs word-initially and between hard consonants.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|pp=41-44}} Preceding hard consonants retract {{IPA|/e/}} to {{IPA|[ɛ̠]}} and {{IPA|[e̠]}}{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=193}} so that {{lang|ru|жест}} ('gesture') and {{lang|ru|цель}} ('target') are pronounced {{Audio-IPA|Ru-жест.ogg|[ʐɛ̠st]|help=no}} and {{Audio-IPA|Ru-цель.ogg|[t͡se̠lʲ]|help=no}} respectively. In words borrowed from other languages, {{IPA|/e/}} rarely follows soft consonants; this foreign pronunciation often persists in Russian for many years until the word is more fully adopted into Russian.{{sfn|Halle|1959|p=63}} For instance, {{lang|ru|шофёр}} (from French chauffeur) was pronounced {{Audio-IPA|Ru-шофёр (20th cent).ogg|[ʂoˈfɛr]|help=no}} in the early twentieth century,[4] but is now pronounced {{Audio-IPA|Ru-шофёр.ogg|[ʂɐˈfʲɵr]|help=no}}. On the other hand, the pronunciations of words such as {{lang|ru|отель}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-отель.ogg|[ɐˈtɛlʲ]|help=no}} ('hotel') retain the hard consonants despite a long presence in the language. Back vowelsBetween soft consonants, {{IPA|/a/}} becomes {{IPAblink|æ}},{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=50}} as in {{lang|ru|пять}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-пять.ogg|[pʲætʲ]}} ('five'). When not following a soft consonant, {{IPA|/a/}} is retracted to {{IPAblink|ɑ|ɑ̟}} before {{IPA|/l/}} as in {{lang|ru|палка}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-палка.ogg|[ˈpɑ̟ɫkə]|help=no}} ('stick').{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=50}} For most speakers, {{IPA|/o/}} is a mid vowel {{IPAblink|o̞}}, but it can be more open {{IPAblink|ɔ}} for some speakers.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=56}} Following a soft consonant, {{IPA|/o/}} is centralized and raised to {{IPAblink|ɵ}} as in {{lang|ru|тётя}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-тётя.ogg|[ˈtʲɵtʲə]|help=no}} ('aunt').{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=62}}{{sfn|Halle|1959|p=166}} As with the other back vowels, {{IPA|/u/}} is centralized to {{IPAblink|ʉ}} between soft consonants, as in {{lang|ru|чуть}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-чуть.ogg|[t͡ɕʉtʲ]|help=no}} ('narrowly'). When unstressed, {{IPA|/u/}} becomes near-close; central {{IPAblink|ʉ̞}} between soft consonants, centralized back {{IPAblink|ʊ}} in other positions.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|pp=67-69}} Unstressed vowels{{Main|Vowel reduction in Russian}}Russian unstressed vowels have lower intensity and lower energy. They are typically shorter than stressed vowels, and {{IPA|/a e o i/}} in most unstressed positions tend to undergo mergers for most dialects:{{sfn|Crosswhite|2000|p=112}}
The merger of unstressed {{IPA|/e/}} and {{IPA|/i/}} in particular is less universal in the pretonic (pre-accented) position than that of unstressed {{IPA|/o/}} and {{IPA|/a/}}. For example, speakers of some rural dialects as well as the "Old Petersburgian" pronunciation may have the latter but not the former merger, distinguishing between {{lang|ru|лиса́}} {{IPA|[lʲɪˈsa]}} and {{lang|ru|леса́}} {{IPA|[lʲɘˈsa]}}, but not between {{lang|ru|валы́}} and {{lang|ru|волы́}} (both {{IPA|[vɐˈɫɨ]}}). The distinction in some loanwords between unstressed {{IPA|/e/}} and {{IPA|/i/}}, or {{IPA|/o/}} and {{IPA|/a/}} is codified in some pronunciation dictionaries ({{Harvcoltxt|Avanesov|1985|p=663}}, {{Harvcoltxt|Zarva|1993|p=15}}), for example, {{lang|ru|фо́рте}} {{IPA|[ˈfortɛ]}} and {{lang|ru|ве́то}} {{IPA|[ˈvʲeto]}}. {{citation needed span|Unstressed {{IPA|/e/}} is sometimes preserved word-finally, for example in second-person plural or formal verb forms with the ending {{lang|ru|-те}}, such as {{wikt-lang|ru|де́лаете}} ("you do") {{IPA|/ˈdʲeɫajitʲe/}} (phonetically {{IPA|[ˈdʲeɫə(j)ɪtʲe]}}).|date=July 2017}}As a result, in most unstressed positions, only three vowel phonemes are distinguished after hard consonants ({{IPA|/u/}}, {{IPA|/a ~ o/}}, and {{IPA|/e ~ i/}}), and only two after soft consonants ({{IPA|/u/}} and {{IPA|/a ~ o ~ e ~ i/}}). For the most part, Russian orthography (as opposed to that of closely related Belarusian) does not reflect vowel reduction. This can be seen in Russian {{wikt-lang|ru|не́бо}} (nébo) as against Belarusian {{wikt-lang|be|не́ба}} (néba) "sky", both of which can be phonemically analyzed as {{IPA|/ˈnʲeba/}}. Vowel mergersIn terms of actual pronunciation, there are at least two different levels of vowel reduction: vowels are less reduced when a syllable immediately precedes the stressed one, and more reduced in other positions.{{Sfn|Avanesov|1975|p=105-106}} This is particularly visible in the realization of unstressed {{IPA|/o/}} and {{IPA|/a/}}, where a less-reduced allophone {{IPAblink|ɐ}} appears alongside a more-reduced allophone {{IPAblink|ə}}. The pronunciation of unstressed {{IPA|/o ~ a/}} is as follows:
The pronunciation of unstressed {{IPA|/e ~ i/}} is {{IPAblink|ɪ}} after soft consonants and {{IPA|/j/}}, and word-initially ({{lang|ru|эта́п}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-этап.ogg|[ɪˈtap]|help=no}} ('stage')), but {{IPAblink|ɨ̞}} after hard consonants ({{lang|ru|дыша́ть}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-дышать.ogg|[dɨ̞ˈʂatʲ]|help=no}} ('to breathe')). There are a number of exceptions to the above vowel-reduction rules:
Other changesUnstressed {{IPA|/u/}} is generally pronounced as a lax (or near-close) {{IPAblink|ʊ}}, e.g. {{lang|ru|мужчи́на}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-мужчина.ogg|[mʊˈɕːinə]}} ('man'). Between soft consonants, it becomes centralized to {{IPAblink|ʉ̞}}, as in {{lang|ru|юти́ться}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-ютиться.ogg|[jʉ̞ˈtʲit͡sə]|help=no}} ('to huddle'). Note a spelling irregularity in {{IPA|/s/}} of the reflexive suffix {{lang|ru|-ся}}: with a preceding {{lang|ru|-т-}} in third-person present and a {{lang|ru|-ть-}} in infinitive, it is pronounced as {{IPA|[t͡sə]}}, i.e. hard instead of with its soft counterpart, since {{IPA|[t͡s]}}, normally spelled with {{angbr|ц}}, is traditionally always hard. In other forms both pronunciations {{IPA|[sə]}} and {{IPA|[sʲə]}} alternate for a speaker with some usual form-dependent preferences: in the outdated dialects, reflexive imperative verbs (such as {{lang|ru|бо́йся}}, lit. "be afraid yourself") may be pronounced with {{IPA|[sə]}} instead of modern (and phonetically consistent) {{IPA|[sʲə]}}.[6] In weakly stressed positions, vowels may become voiceless between two voiceless consonants: {{lang|ru|вы́ставка}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-выставка.ogg|[ˈvɨstə̥fkə]|help=no}} ('exhibition'), {{lang|ru|потому́ что}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-потому что.ogg|[pə̥tɐˈmu ʂtə]|help=no}} ('because'). This may also happen in cases where only the following consonant is voiceless: {{lang|ru|че́реп}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-череп.ogg|[ˈt͡ɕerʲɪ̥p]|help=no}} ('skull'). Phonemic analysisBecause of mergers of different phonemes in unstressed position, the assignment of a particular phone to a phoneme requires phonological analysis. There have been different approaches to this problem:{{Sfn|Avanesov|1975|p=37-40}}
DiphthongsRussian diphthongs all end in a non-syllabic {{IPA|[i̯]}}, an allophone of {{IPA|/j/}} and the only semivowel in Russian. In all contexts other than after a vowel, {{IPA|/j/}} is considered an approximant consonant. Phonological descriptions of {{IPA|/j/}} may also classify it as a consonant even in the coda. In such descriptions, Russian has no diphthongs. The first part of diphthongs are subject to the same allophony as their constituent vowels. Examples of words with diphthongs: {{wikt-lang|ru|яйцо́}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-яйцо.ogg|[jɪjˈt͡so]}} ('egg'), {{lang|ru|ей}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-ей.ogg|[jej]|help=no}} ('her' dat.), {{lang|ru|де́йственный}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-действенный.ogg|[ˈdʲejstvʲɪnnɨj]|help=no}} ('effective'). {{IPA|/ij/}}, written {{angbr|-ий}} or {{angbr|-ый}}, is a common inflexional affix of adjectives, participles, and nouns, where it is often unstressed; at normal conversational speed, such unstressed endings may be monophthongized to {{IPAblink|ɪ̟}}.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=37}} Consonants{{angbr|{{IPA|ʲ}}}} denotes palatalization, meaning the center of the tongue is raised during and after the articulation of the consonant. Phonemes that have at different times been disputed are enclosed in parentheses.
There is some dispute over the phonemicity of soft velar consonants. Typically, the soft–hard distinction is allophonic for velar consonants: they become soft before front vowels, as in {{wikt-lang|ru|коро́ткий}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-короткий.ogg|[kɐˈrotkʲɪj]|help=no}} ('short'), unless there is a word boundary, in which case they are hard (e.g. {{lang|ru|к Ива́ну}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-к Ивану.ogg|[k‿ɨˈvanu]|help=no}} 'to Ivan').{{sfn|Padgett|2003a|pp=44, 47}} Hard variants occur everywhere else. Exceptions are represented mostly by:
The rare native examples are fairly new, as most them were coined in the last century:
In the mid-twentieth century, a small number of reductionist approaches made by structuralists{{sfn|Stankiewicz|1962|p=131}} put forth that palatalized consonants occur as the result of a phonological processes involving {{IPA|/j/}} (or palatalization as a phoneme in itself), so that there were no underlying palatalized consonants.[23] Despite such proposals, linguists have long agreed that the underlying structure of Russian is closer to that of its acoustic properties, namely that soft consonants are separate phonemes in their own right.[24] Phonological processesFinal devoicingVoiced consonants ({{IPA|/b/, /bʲ/, /d/, /dʲ/ /ɡ/, /v/, /vʲ/, /z/, /zʲ/, /ʐ/}}, and {{IPA|/ʑː/}}) are devoiced word-finally unless the next word begins with a voiced obstruent.{{sfn|Halle|1959|p=22}} {{IPA|/ɡ/}}, in addition to becoming voiceless, also lenites to {{IPA|[x]}} in some words, such as {{lang|ru|бог}} {{IPA|[ˈbox]}}.{{Citation needed|date=November 2011}} VoicingRussian features general regressive assimilation of voicing and palatalization.{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=156}} In longer clusters, this means that multiple consonants may be soft despite their underlyingly (and orthographically) being hard.{{sfn|Lightner|1972|p=377}} The process of voicing assimilation applies across word-boundaries when there is no pause between words.{{sfn|Lightner|1972|p=73}} Within a morpheme, voicing is not distinctive before obstruents (except for {{IPA|/v/}}, and {{IPA|/vʲ/}} when followed by a vowel or sonorant). The voicing or devoicing is determined by that of the final obstruent in the sequence:{{sfn|Halle|1959|p=31}} {{lang|ru|просьба}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-просьба.ogg|[ˈprozʲbə]}} ('request'), {{lang|ru|водка}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-водка.ogg|[ˈvotkə]|help=no}} ('vodka'). In foreign borrowings, this isn't always the case for {{IPA|/f(ʲ)/}}, as in {{lang|ru|Адольф Гитлер}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-Адольф Гитлер.ogg|[ɐˈdolʲf ˈɡʲitlʲɪr]|help=no}} ('Adolf Hitler') and {{lang|ru|граф болеет}} ('the count is ill'). {{IPA|/v/}} and {{IPA|/vʲ/}} are unusual in that they seem transparent to voicing assimilation; in the syllable onset, both voiced and voiceless consonants may appear before {{IPA|/v(ʲ)/}}:
When {{IPA|/v(ʲ)/}} precedes and follows obstruents, the voicing of the cluster is governed by that of the final segment (per the rule above) so that voiceless obstruents that precede {{IPA|/v(ʲ)/}} are voiced if {{IPA|/v(ʲ)/}} is followed by a voiced obstruent (e.g. {{lang|ru|к вдове}} {{IPA|[ɡvdɐˈvʲɛ]}} 'to the widow') while a voiceless obstruent will devoice all segments (e.g. {{lang|ru|без впуска}} {{IPA|[bʲɪs ˈfpuskə]}} 'without an admission').{{sfn|Lightner|1972|p=75}} {{IPA|/t͡ɕ/}}, {{IPA|/t͡s/}}, and {{IPA|/x/}} have voiced allophones ({{IPAblink|d͡ʑ}}, {{IPAblink|d̪͡z̪|d͡z}} and {{IPAblink|ɣ}}) before voiced obstruents,{{sfn|Halle|1959|p=22}}[25] as in {{lang|ru|дочь бы}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-дочь_бы.ogg|[ˈdod͡ʑ bɨ]|help=no}}{{sfn|Lightner|1972|p=82}} ('a daughter would') and {{lang|ru|плацдарм}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-плацдарм.ogg|[pɫɐd͡zˈdarm]|help=no}} ('bridge-head').Other than {{IPA|/mʲ/}} and {{IPA|/nʲ/}}, nasals and liquids devoice between voiceless consonants or a voiceless consonant and a pause: {{lang|ru|контрфорс}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-контрфорс.ogg|[ˌkontr̥ˈfors]|help=no}}) ('buttress').{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=190}} PalatalizationBefore {{IPA|/j/}}, paired consonants (that is, those that come in a hard-soft pair) are normally soft as in {{lang|ru|пью}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-пью.ogg|[pʲju]|help=no}}} 'I drink' and {{lang|ru|бью}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-бью.ogg|[bʲju]|help=no}} 'I hit'. However, the last consonant of prefixes and parts of compound words generally remains hard in the standard language: {{lang|ru|отъезд}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-отъезд.ogg|[ɐˈtjest]|help=no}} 'departure', {{lang|ru|Минюст}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-Минюст.ogg|[ˌmʲiˈnjust]|help=no}} 'Min[istry of] Just[ice]'; and only when prefix ends in {{IPA|/s/}} or {{IPA|/z/}}, there exists an optional softening: {{lang|ru|съездить}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-съездить.ogg|[ˈs(ʲ)jezʲdʲɪtʲ]|help=no}} ('to travel'). Paired consonants preceding {{IPA|/e/}} are also soft; although there are exceptions from loanwords, alternations across morpheme boundaries are the norm.{{sfn|Padgett|2003a|p=43}} The following examples{{sfn|Lightner|1972|pp=9–11, 12–13}} show some of the morphological alternations between a hard consonant and its soft counterpart:
Velar consonants are soft when preceding {{IPA|/i/}}; within words, this means that velar consonants are never followed by {{IPA|[ɨ]}}.{{sfn|Padgett|2003a|p=39}} Before hard dental consonants, {{IPA|/r/}}, labial and dental consonants are hard: {{lang|ru|орла}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-орла.ogg|[ɐrˈɫa]|help=no}} ('eagle' gen. sg). Assimilative palatalizationPaired consonants preceding another consonant often inherit softness from it. This phenomenon in literary language has complicated and evolving rules with many exceptions, depending on what these consonants are, in what morphemic position they meet and to what style of speech the word belongs. In old Moscow pronunciation, softening was more widespread and regular; nowadays some cases that were once normative have become low colloquial or archaic. In fact, consonants can be softened to very different extent, become semi-hard or semi-soft. The more similar the consonants are, the more they tend to soften each other. Also, some consonants tend to be softened less, such as labials and {{IPA|/r/}}. Softening is stronger inside the word root and between root and suffix; it is weaker between prefix and root and weak or absent between a preposition and the word following.[26]
In addition to this, dental fricatives conform to the place of articulation (not just the palatalization) of following postalveolars: {{lang|ru|с частью}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-с частью.ogg|[ˈɕːæsʲtʲju]|help=no}}) ('with a part'). In careful speech, this does not occur across word boundaries. Russian has the rare feature of nasals not typically being assimilated in place of articulation. Both {{IPA|/n/}} and {{IPA|/nʲ/}} appear before retroflex consonants: {{lang|ru|деньжонки}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-деньжонки.ogg|[dʲɪnʲˈʐonkʲɪ]|help=no}}) ('money' (scornful)) and {{lang|ru|ханжой}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-ханжой.ogg|[xɐnˈʐoj]|help=no}}) ('sanctimonious one' instr.). In the same context, other coronal consonants are always hard. Consonant clustersAs a Slavic language, Russian has fewer phonotactic restrictions on consonants than many other languages,{{sfn|Davidson|Roon|2008|p=138}} allowing for clusters that would be difficult for English speakers; this is especially so at the beginning of a syllable, where Russian speakers make no sonority distinctions between fricatives and stops.{{Sfn|Rubach|2000|p=53}} These reduced restrictions begin at the morphological level; outside of two morphemes that contain clusters of four consonants: встрет-/встреч- 'meet' ({{IPA|[ˈfstrʲetʲ/ˈfstrʲet͡ɕ]}}), and чёрств-/черств- 'stale' ({{IPA|[ˈt͡ɕɵrstv]}}), native Russian morphemes have a maximum consonant cluster size of three:{{sfn|Halle|1959|p=57}}
For speakers who pronounce {{IPA|[ɕt͡ɕ]}} instead of {{IPA|[ɕː]}}, words like {{lang|ru|общий}} ('common') also constitute clusters of this type.
If {{IPA|/j/}} is considered a consonant in the coda position, then words like {{lang|ru|айва́}} ('quince') contain semivowel+consonant clusters. Affixation also creates consonant clusters. Some prefixes, the best known being вз-/вс- ({{IPA|[vz-]/[fs-]}}), produce long word-initial clusters when they attach to a morpheme beginning with consonant(s) (e.g. |{{IPA|fs}}|+ |{{IPA|pɨʂkə}}| → {{lang|ru|вспы́шка}} {{IPA|[ˈfspɨʂkə]}} 'flash'). However, the four-consonant limitation persists in the syllable onset.{{Sfn|Ostapenko|2005|p=143}}{{Sfn|Proctor|2006|p=2, 126}} Clusters of three or more consonants are frequently simplified, usually through syncope of one of them,{{Sfn|Cubberley|2002|p=80}} especially in casual pronunciation.{{Sfn|Shapiro|1993|p=11}} Various cases of relaxed pronunciation in Russian can be seen here. All word-initial four-consonant clusters begin with {{IPA|[vz]}} or {{IPA|[fs]}}, followed by a stop (or, in the case of {{IPA|[x]}}, a fricative), and a liquid:
Because prepositions in Russian act like clitics,{{Sfn|Rubach|2000|p=51}} the syntactic phrase composed of a preposition (most notably, the three that consist of just a single consonant: к, с, and в) and a following word constitutes a phonological word that acts like a single grammatical word.{{sfn|Bickel|Nichols|2007|p=190}} For example, the phrase {{lang|ru|с друзья́ми}} ('with friends') is pronounced {{IPA|[zdrʊˈzʲjæmʲɪ]}}. In the syllable coda, suffixes that contain no vowels may increase the final consonant cluster of a syllable (e.g. {{lang|ru|Ноя́брьск}} 'city of Noyabrsk' |{{IPA|noˈjabrʲ}}|+ |{{IPA|sk}}| → {{IPA|[nɐˈjabrʲsk]}}), theoretically up to seven consonants: *{{lang|ru|мо́нстрств}} {{IPA|[ˈmonstrstf]}} ('of monsterships').{{sfn|Toporov|1971|p=155}} There is usually an audible release between these consecutive consonants at word boundaries, the major exception being clusters of homorganic consonants.{{Sfn|Zsiga|2003|p=403}} Consonant cluster simplification in Russian includes degemination, syncope, dissimilation, and weak vowel insertion. For example, {{IPA|/sɕː/}} is pronounced {{IPA|[ɕː]}}, as in {{lang|ru|расще́лина}} ('cleft'). There are also a few isolated patterns of apparent cluster reduction (as evidenced by the mismatch between pronunciation and orthography) arguably the result of historical simplifications.{{Sfn|Cubberley|2002|p=82}} For example, dental stops are dropped between a dental continuant and a dental nasal or lateral: {{lang|ru|ле́стный}} {{IPA|[ˈlʲesnɨj]}} 'flattering'.{{Sfn|Halle|1959|p=69}} Other examples include:
The simplifications of consonant clusters are done selectively; bookish-style words and proper nouns are typically pronounced with all consonants even if they fit the pattern. For example, the word {{lang|ru|голла́ндка}} is pronounced in a simplified manner {{IPA|[ɡɐˈɫankə]}} for the meaning of 'Dutch oven' (a popular type of oven in Russia) and in a full form {{IPA|[ɡɐˈɫantkə]}} for 'Dutch woman' (a more exotic meaning). In certain cases, this syncope produces homophones, e.g. {{lang|ru|ко́стный}} ('bony') and {{lang|ru|ко́сный}} ('rigid'), both are pronounced {{Audio-IPA|Ru-костный.ogg|[ˈkosnɨj]|help=no}}. Another method of dealing with consonant clusters is inserting an epenthetic vowel (both in spelling and in pronunciation), {{angbr|о}}, after most prepositions and prefixes that normally end in a consonant. This includes both historically motivated usage and cases of its modern extrapolations. There are no strict limits when the epenthetic {{angbr|о}} is obligatory, optional, or prohibited. One of the most typical cases of the epenthetic {{angbr|о}} is between a morpheme-final consonant and a cluster starting with the same or similar consonant (e.g. {{lang|ru|со среды́}} 'from Wednesday' |{{IPA|s}}|+ |{{IPA|srʲɪˈdɨ}}| → {{IPA|[səsrʲɪˈdɨ]}}, not *с среды; {{lang|ru|ототру́}} 'I'll scrub' |{{IPA|ot}}|+ |{{IPA|ˈtru}}| → {{IPA|[ɐtɐˈtru]}}, not *оттру). Supplementary notesThere are numerous ways in which Russian spelling does not match pronunciation. The historical transformation of {{IPA|/ɡ/}} into {{IPA|/v/}} in genitive case endings and the word for 'him' is not reflected in the modern Russian orthography: the pronoun {{lang|ru|его}} {{IPA|[jɪˈvo]}} 'his/him', and the adjectival declension suffixes -ого and -его. Orthographic г represents {{IPA|/x/}} in a handful of word roots: легк-/лёгк-/легч- 'easy' and мягк-/мягч- 'soft'. There are a handful of words in which consonants which have long since ceased to be pronounced even in careful pronunciation are still spelled, e.g., the 'l' in {{lang|ru|солнце}} {{IPA|[ˈsont͡sə]}} ('sun'). {{IPA|/n/}} and {{IPA|/nʲ/}} are the only consonants that can be geminated within morpheme boundaries. Such gemination does not occur in loanwords.Between any vowel and {{IPA|/i/}} (excluding instances across affix boundaries but including unstressed vowels that have merged with {{IPA|/i/}}), {{IPA|/j/}} may be dropped: {{lang|ru|аист}} {{IPA|[ˈa.ɪst]}} ('stork') and {{lang|ru|делает}} {{IPA|[ˈdʲɛɫəɪt]}} ('does').{{sfn|Lightner|1972|p=130}} ({{Harvcoltxt|Halle|1959}} cites {{lang|ru|заезжать}} and other instances of intervening prefix and preposition boundaries as exceptions to this tendency.) Stress in Russian may fall on any syllable and words can contrast based just on stress (e.g. {{lang|ru|мука}} {{IPA|[ˈmukə]}} 'ordeal, pain, anguish' vs. {{IPA|[mʊˈka]}} 'flour, meal, farina'); stress shifts can even occur within an inflexional paradigm: {{lang|ru|до́ма}} {{IPA|[ˈdomə]}} ('house' gen. sg.) vs {{lang|ru|дома́}} {{IPA|[dɐˈma]}} ('houses'). The place of the stress in a word is determined by the interplay between the morphemes it contains, as some morphemes have underlying stress, while others do not. However, other than some compound words, such as {{lang|ru|морозоустойчивый}} {{IPA|[mɐˌrozəʊˈstojtɕɪvɨj]}} ('frost-resistant') only one syllable is stressed in a word.{{sfn|Lightner|1972|p=4}} {{IPA|/ɨ/}} velarizes hard consonants: {{lang|ru|ты}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-ты.ogg|[tˠɨ]}} ('you' sing.). {{IPA|/o/}} and {{IPA|/u/}} velarize and labialize hard consonants and labialize soft consonants: {{lang|ru|бок}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-бок.ogg|[bˠʷok]|help=no}} ('side'), {{lang|ru|нёс}} {{Audio-IPA|Ru-нёс.ogg|[nʲʷɵs]|help=no}} ('(he) carried').{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|pp=79-80}}Between a hard consonant and {{IPA|/o/}}, a slight {{IPA|[w]}} offglide occurs, most noticeably after labial, labio-dental and velar consonants (e.g. {{lang|ru|мок}}, 'was soaking' {{IPA|[mˠwok]}}).{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=79}} Similarly, a weak palatal offglide may occur between certain soft consonants and back vowels (e.g. {{lang|ru|ляжка}} 'thigh' {{IPA|[ˈlʲjaʂkə]}}).{{sfn|Jones|Ward|1969|p=?}} See also
References1. ^See, for example, {{Harvcoltxt|Ozhegov|1953|p=10}}; {{Harvcoltxt|Barkhudarov|Protchenko|Skvortsova|1987|p=9}}; {{Harvcoltxt|Chew|2003|p=61}}. The traditional name of {{angbr|ы}}, {{lang|ru|еры}} {{IPA|[jɪˈrɨ]}} yery; since 1961 this name has been replaced from the Russian school practice (compare the 7th and 8th editions of the standard textbook of Russian for 5th and 6th grades: {{Harvcoltxt|Barkhudarov|Kryuchkov|1960|p=4}}, and {{Harvcoltxt|Barkhudarov|Kryuchkov|1961|p=20}}. 2. ^See, for example, {{Harvcoltxt|Shcherba|1950|p=15}}; {{Harvcoltxt|Matijchenko|1950|pp=40–41}}; {{Harvcoltxt|Zemsky|Kryuchkov|Svetlayev|1971|p=63}}; {{Harvcoltxt|Kuznetsov|Ryzhakov|2007|p=6}} 3. ^Thus, {{IPA|/ɨ/}} is pronounced something like {{IPA|[ɤ̯ɪ]}}, with the first part sounding as an on-glide {{Harvcoltxt|Padgett|2003b|p=321}} 4. ^As in Igor Severyanin's poem, {{lang|ru|Сегодня не приду}} . . . 5. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Yanushevskaya|Bunčić|2015|p=225}} 6. ^{{Cite book|last=Wade|first=Terence Leslie Brian|title=A Comprehensive Russian Grammar|year=2010|page=10|isbn=978-1-4051-3639-6|edition=3rd|publisher=John Wiley & Sons}} 7. ^e.g. {{Harvcoltxt|Avanesov|1975}} 8. ^1 {{Harvcoltxt|Ashby|2011|p=133}}: "Note that though Russian has traditionally been described as having all consonants either palatalized or velarized, recent data suggests that the velarized gesture is only used with laterals giving a phonemic contrast between {{IPA|/lʲ/}} and {{IPA|/ɫ/}} (...)." 9. ^Because of the acoustic properties of {{IPA|[u]}} and {{IPA|[i]}} that make velarization more noticeable before front vowels and palatalization before back vowels {{Harvcoltxt|Padgett|2003b}} argues that the contrast before {{IPA|/i/}} is between velarized and plain consonants rather than plain and palatalized. 10. ^See dicionaries of {{Harvcoltxt|Ageenko|Zarva|1993}} and {{Harvcoltxt|Borunova|Vorontsova|Yes'kova|1983}}. 11. ^The dictionary {{Harvcoltxt|Агеенко|Зарва|1993}} explicitly says that the nonpalatalized pronunciation {{IPA|/t͡s/}} is an error in such cases. 12. ^1 {{Harvcoltxt|Yanushevskaya|Bunčić|2015|p=223}} 13. ^See Avanesov's pronunciation guide in {{Harvcoltxt|Borunova|Vorontsova|Yes'kova|1983|p=669}} 14. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Yanushevskaya|Bunčić|2015|p=224}} 15. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Jones|Ward|1969|pp=99 and 160}} 16. ^1 {{Harvcoltxt|Koneczna|Zawadowski|1956|p=?}}, cited in {{Harvcoltxt|Ladefoged|Maddieson|1996|p=187}} 17. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Jones|Ward|1969|p=167}} 18. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Mathiassen|1996|p=23}} 19. ^1 {{Harvcoltxt|Skalozub|1963|p=?}}; cited in {{Harvcoltxt|Ladefoged|Maddieson|1996|p=221}} 20. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Jones|Ward|1969|pp=104–105 and 162}} 21. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Jones|Ward|1969|p=172}}. This source mentions only the laminal alveolar realization. 22. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Zygis|2003|p=181}} 23. ^see {{Harvcoltxt|Lightner|1972}} and {{Harvcoltxt|Bidwell|1962}} for two examples. 24. ^See {{Harvcoltxt|Stankiewicz|1962}} and {{Harvcoltxt|Folejewski|1962}} for a criticism of Bidwell's approach specifically and the reductionist approach generally. 25. ^{{Harvcoltxt|Chew|2003|p=67 and 103}} 26. ^{{cite book|last=Аванесов|first=Р. И.|title=Русское {{lang|ru|литературное}} произношение|year=1984|publisher=Просвещение|location=М.|pages=145–167}} Bibliography{{refbegin|2}}
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|last1=Zemsky |first1=A. M |last2=Svetlayev |first2= M. V |last3=Kriuchkov |first3=S. E |title=Русский язык. Часть 1. Лексикология, фонетика и морфология. Учебник для педагогических училищ |language=ru |trans-title=Russian. I. Lexicography, phonetics, and morphology. Textbook for teachers' colleges |edition=11th |year=1971 |ref=harv }}
|last=Zsiga |first=Elizabeth |year=2003 |title=Articulatory Timing in a Second Language: Evidence from Russian and English |journal= Studies in Second Language Acquisition |volume=25 |pages=399–432 |doi=10.1017/s0272263103000160 }}
|last=Zygis |first=Marzena |year=2003 |title=Phonetic and Phonological Aspects of Slavic Sibilant Fricatives |journal=ZAS Papers in Linguistics |volume=3 |pages=175–213 |url=http://www.zas.gwz-berlin.de/fileadmin/material/ZASPiL_Volltexte/zp32/zaspil32-zygis.pdf }}{{refend}} Further reading{{refbegin|2}}
|title=Introduction to Russian Phonology and Word Structure |last= Hamilton |first=William S. |year=1980 |publisher=Slavica Publishers }}
|last = Gasanov |first = A.A. |last2 = Babayev |first2 = I.A. |year = 2010 |title = Курс лекций по фонетике современного русского языка |trans-title = Lectures on modern Russian phonetics |url = http://bsu-edu.org/ders_vesaitleri/16.pdf |deadurl = yes |archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20111111191420/http://bsu-edu.org/ders_vesaitleri/16.pdf |archivedate = 2011-11-11 |df = }}
|last=Hamann |first=Silke |year=2002 |contribution=Postalveolar Fricatives in Slavic Languages as Retroflexes |contribution-url=http://www.let.uu.nl/~Silke.Hamann/personal/Hamann2002SlavicRet.pdf |editor-last=Baauw |editor-first=S. |editor2-last=Huiskes |editor2-first=M. |editor3-last=Schoorlemmer |editor3-first=M. |title=OTS Yearbook 2002 |pages=105–127 |place=Utrecht |publisher=Utrecht Institute of Linguistics |accessdate=2008-02-07 }}
|last=Press |first=Ian |year=1986 |title=Aspects of the phonology of the Slavonic languages: the vowel y and the Consonantal Correlation of Palatalization |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JYBgH2yEjR0C&printsec=frontcover |publisher=Rodopi |isbn=90-6203-848-4 }}
|last=Proctor |first=Michael |year=2009 |title=Gestural characterization of a phonological class: the liquids |place=Yale University |type=Dissertation }}
|last=Rubach |first=Jerzy |authorlink=Jerzy Rubach |year=2000 |title=Backness Switch in Russian |journal=Phonology |volume=17 |pages=39–64 |doi=10.1017/S0952675700003821 }}
|last=Shcherba |first=Lev Vladimirovich |authorlink=Lev Shcherba |year=1912 |title=Russkie glasnye v kachestvennom i kolichestvennom otnoshennii |place=St. Petersburg |publisher=Tipografiia IU. }}
|last=Sussex |first=Roland |year=1992 |chapter=Russian |editor-last=Bright |editor-first=W. |title=International Encyclopedia of Linguistics |edition=1st |publisher=Oxford University Press |place=New York }}{{refend}}{{Russian language}}{{Language phonologies}}{{DEFAULTSORT:Russian Phonology}} 2 : Language phonologies|Russian language |
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