“Ohthere of Hålogaland”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

Ohthere of Hålogaland ({{lang-no|Ottar fra Hålogaland}}) was a Viking Age Norwegian seafarer known only from an account of his travels that he gave to King Alfred (r. 871–99) of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Wessex in about 890 AD. His account was incorporated into an Anglo-Saxon, or Old English, version of a Latin historical book written early in the 5th century by Paulus Orosius, called Historiarum Adversum Paganos Libri VII, or Seven Books of History Against the Pagans. The Old English version of this book is believed to have been written in Wessex in King Alfred's lifetime or soon after his death, and the earliest surviving copy is attributed to the same place and time.

In his account, Ohthere said that his home was in "Halgoland", or Hålogaland, where he lived "north-most of all Norwegians … [since] no-one [lived] to the north of him".^[1] Ohthere spoke of his travels north to the White Sea, and south to Denmark, describing both journeys in some detail. He also spoke of Sweoland (central Sweden), the Sami people (Finnas), and of two peoples called the Cwenas, living in Cwena land to the north of the Swedes, and the Beormas, whom he found living by the White Sea. Ohthere reported that the Beormas spoke a language related to that of the Sami.

Ohthere's story is the earliest known written source for the term "Denmark" (dena mearc), and perhaps also for "Norway" (norðweg). Ohthere's home may have been in the vicinity of Tromsø, in southern Troms county, northern Norway.

Sources

Orosius' 5th-century Seven Books of History Against the Pagans was a popular work of history in the Middle Ages, with about 250 manuscript copies from that period surviving today.{{sfn|Waite|2000|p=38}} Late in the 9th century King Alfred of Wessex, or members of his court, appear to have seen it as a useful basis for a world-history written in their own language, and an Old English version may have been seen as complementary to Bede's 8th-century Ecclesiastical History of the English People and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which was begun in Alfred's reign.^[2] The Old English version of Orosius is an adaptation rather than a direct translation, one of its features being the addition and correction of information concerning European geography.{{sfn|Waite|2000|pp=38, 41–2}} The addition of Ohthere's account of his travels, and that of another traveller named Wulfstan, represents part of that process.{{sfn|Waite|2000|p=41}}

The authorship of the Old English Orosius is unknown. In the 12th century William of Malmesbury believed that it was the work of King Alfred himself, but scholarly scrutiny of the text since the mid-20th century, including by the historians Dorothy Whitelock and Janet Bately, has led to this view being refuted on lexical and syntactic grounds.{{sfn|Waite|2000|pp=39–40}}{{#tag:ref|King Alfred is believed to have been the principal translator into Old English of four works, namely Pope Gregory I's Pastoral Care, Boethius' The Consolation of Philosophy, Augustine of Hippo's Soliloquies and the first fifty psalms of a psalter.{{sfn|Keynes|Lapidge|1983|p=29}} "In addition, several translations [into Old English] were prepared by other scholars at this time, apparently as part of Alfred's [educational] scheme".{{sfn|Keynes|Lapidge|1983|p=29}}|group="Fn"}} Janet Bately believes that the Old English version of Orosius was created between 889 and 899, probably in the early 890s,^[3] but there is no way of knowing whether Ohthere's account was previously in existence and incorporated from the outset, or if it was written down later and incorporated into a subsequent copy.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|p=3}} The events that Ohthere described may have taken place at any time from the 870s to the late 890s,{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=3–4}} and Ohthere's account is given in the form of a third-person report of what he said to King Alfred, rather than as reported speech, as exemplified by the opening sentence: "Ohthere sæde his hlaforde Ælfrede kynincge þæt he ealra Norðmanna norðmest bude." ("Ohthere told his lord Alfred king that he lived northmost of all Norwegians."){{sfn|Thorpe|1900|p=248}} Dorothy Whitelock wrote that "Ohthere's account reads like a set of replies to questions put to him."^[4]

The Old English version of Orosius survives almost complete in two Anglo-Saxon manuscripts. The earliest is known variously as the Tollemache, Helmingham or Lauderdale Orosius, and is kept at the British Library under the reference "Additional 47967".^[5] This manuscript was written in Wessex between about 892 and 925, possibly at Winchester.^[5] The second manuscript dates from early in the 11th century, is of unknown English provenance, and is kept at the British Library under the reference "Cotton Tiberius B. i".{{sfn|Waite|2000|p=38}} Both manuscripts are copies of a "common ancestor".{{sfn|Waite|2000|p=39}}{{#tag:ref|There are fragments of two other copies: two folios are in the Bodleian Library of the University of Oxford, MS Eng. Hist. e.49, (30481), and a single folio is at the Vatican in Rome, MS Reg. Lat. 497.{{sfn|Waite|2000|pp=38–9}} There are indications that further copies existed, including in Byzantium, but none are known to have survived.{{sfn|Waite|2000|p=39}}|group="Fn"}}

Biography

Ohthere said that he lived furthest north of all Norwegians, and that his home was in "Halgoland", in the north of Norway, by the sea.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9, 252–3}} Halgoland is identified in modern historiography as Hålogaland, a historical region of northern Norway comparable in area to the modern region of Nord-Norge.^[6]{{#tag:ref|"North of Namdal lay Hálogaland, the 'Land of High Fire', under the aurora borealis. This region, which was probably only being colonised by Scandinavians in the eighth century, was inhospitable and for the most part north of the Arctic Circle. [Inhabitants were known as the] Háleygir [who] made a nod towards agricultural subsistence in scattered settlements in sheltered coves or islands but their main support lay in their ability to extort Arctic produce from the Sami."{{sfn|Woolf|2007|pp=51–2}}|group="Fn"}} While greater precision is impossible, suggested localities for Ohthere's home include Senja, Kvaløya and Malangen, all near Tromsø.^[7]{{#tag:ref|"Archaeological excavations have shown that Norse settlements existed north of Troms [county] in Ohthere's time."{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|p=13}}|group="Fn"}} He claimed to be a leading man in his homeland, perhaps to be understood as a chieftain,{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|p=4}} and described himself as wealthy, owning 600 tame reindeer, of which six were "decoys" used for catching wild reindeer.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}} Conversely, according to the report in the Old English Orosius, Ohthere "had not more than twenty horned cattle, and twenty sheep, and twenty swine, and the little that he ploughed he ploughed with horses."{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}} But his main wealth was in tax paid by the Finnas, or Sami people, of whom the highest-born paid 15 marten skins, 5 reindeer skins, 1 bear skin, 10 ambers of feathers,{{#tag:ref|An amber is defined as a dry measure of 4 bushels,^[8] a bushel being a measure of {{convert|8|impgal|l|0}} wet or dry.^[9]|group="Fn"}} 1 coat of bear skin or otter skin and two ship's ropes, each 60 ells long,{{#tag:ref|An ell is defined as the length of a grown man's arm from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger.^[10]|group="Fn"}} made of either whale skin or seal skin.^[11]{{#tag:ref|{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}} uses the word "rent" rather than "tax": the Old English Orosius uses the word "gafol", which has the meanings "tax, tribute, rent, interest".^[12] {{harvnb|Whitaker|1981|pp=5–6}} uses the words "tribute" and "tax", and suggests that the Sami (to whom Whitaker refers as Lapps) paid Ohthere a fee to be able to trade their goods "for iron and other imported goods which their own environment lacked."{{sfn|Whitaker|1981|p=6}}|group="Fn"}}

Another source of Ohthere's wealth was the hunting of whales and walrus. He is reported as saying that his own land was best for whale-hunting, with walrus up to 7 ells long and whales mostly 50 ells long, and that with five men he had killed sixty of them in two days.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}} While the killing of this number of whales in two days seems unlikely, historian Kjell-Olav Masdalen suggests that, rather than whales, Ohthere intended the number killed to refer to walrus; Janet Bately suggests that it might best be seen as an indication of how many whales could be caught in good conditions.^[13]{{#tag:ref|The relevant sentence reads in full: "This whale [the walrus] is much less than other whales, it being not longer than seven ells; but in his own country is the best whale-hunting, there they are eight-and-forty ells long, and most of them fifty ells; of these he said that he and five others had killed sixty in two days."{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–51}}|group="Fn"}} Ropes of whale skin were of sufficient value to be included in the tax paid to Ohthere by the Sami, and Ohthere said that walrus had "very noble bones in their teeth",{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}} some of which he brought to King Alfred.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}}

Anthropologist Ian Whitaker notes that Ohthere has been described as primarily a merchant, and that his visit to King Alfred has been connected with the king's plans for a navy, a desire to escape the Norwegian King Harald Fairhair, or a need to rebuild a lost fortune.{{sfn|Whitaker|1981|p=6}} Whitaker notes also that there is "no shred of evidence"{{sfn|Whitaker|1981|p=6}} to support any of these ideas, but for the fact that he had visited the trading centres of "Skiringshal" (sic) and Hedeby.{{sfn|Whitaker|1981|p=6}} Ohthere said that he had travelled north chiefly to hunt walrus,{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}} and his journey south to the Danish trading settlement of Hedeby, via the "port" of Sciringes heal, may have been a trading mission.^[14] There is no account of Ohthere's journey to Wessex or explanation for his visit to King Alfred.

Ohthere's Norway

Ohthere's reported use of the term "Norway" (norðweg) in the earliest copy of the Old English Orosius pre-dates the earliest written Scandinavian use of the term, in the runic form "Nuruiak", on the 10th-century Jelling stones by between 40 and 80 years.^[15] He describes Norway as being very long and very narrow, saying that it was about {{convert|60|mi|km|0}} across "to the east",{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}} about {{convert|30|mi|km|0}} across in the middle, and about {{convert|3|mi|km|0}} across in the north.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}}{{#tag:ref|The mile was not commonly used as a measure of distance in 9th-century Scandinavia, and is probably used here as an interpretation of distances given by Ohthere.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=17–8}}|group="Fn"}} While Ohthere is here referring broadly to the width of Norwegian territory between the sea and the mountains,^[16] the land described as being about 60 miles across "to the east" is probably to be understood as representing the modern Norwegian region of Vestlandet, in the south-west of the country.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|p=18}}

The land of the Norwegians is further delineated through reference to their neighbours. Away from the sea, a wilderness of moors, or mountains, lay to the east and was inhabited by Finnas, a reference to the Sami people.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|p=4}} Alongside the southern part of the land, on the other side of the mountains and continuing north, was Sweoland, the "land of the Svear",^[17] or Swedes.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}}{{#tag:ref|Einar Gunnar Birgisson maintains that the southern regions of modern Norway, Østlandet and most if not all of Sørlandet, were inhabited by people of Swedish origin by the late-9th century, though they may have considered themselves North Danes.{{sfn|Birgisson|2008|p=147}}|group="Fn"}} To the north of the Swedes was Cwenaland, the "land of the Cwenas",^[17] and to the north of the Norwegians was wasteland.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9, 250–1}}

Ohthere's travels

Ohthere described two journeys that he had made, one northward and around the Kola Peninsula into the White Sea, and one southward to the Danish trading settlement of Hedeby via a Norwegian "port" which, in the Old English Orosius, is called "Sciringes heal". He described his journeys partly through the lands and peoples he encountered, and partly through the number of days it took to sail from one point to the next:

Journey to the north

Ohthere said that the land stretched far to the north of his home, and that it was all wasteland, except for a few places where Sami camped to hunt in the winter and fish in the summer.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}} He said that he travelled north chiefly to hunt walrus, but he had also wanted to know if anyone lived to the north of the waste. He sailed north along the coast for three days, as far as whale-hunters would go, and another three days' sailing brought him to a point where the land turned eastwards, after which he sailed east for four days, when the land turned to the south. Then he sailed south for five days until he came to a large river: he said that the far bank of this river was the first inhabited land that he had encountered since leaving his home, and for this reason he did not dare sail beyond the river because of "unfrið", usually translated as "hostility",^[19] instead sailing up into the river. To this point, Ohthere said that all the land had been waste, except for the Sami fishermen and hunters, and he did not know if the change in direction was because of the shape of the land, or if it was because of an inlet of the sea. Further, at each turn of the land he had waited for a favourable wind.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}}

According to Ohthere, the far bank of the river was "well cultivated"{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}} and inhabited by Beormas: historian T.N. Jackson suggests a location for this land – "Bjarmaland" – in the vicinity of the present day Russian town of Kandalaksha, on the western side of the White Sea, while noting that others have identified Ohthere's "large river" as the Northern Dvina, on the eastern side of the White Sea, and place Bjarmaland accordingly.{{sfn|Jackson|2002|pp=167, 171}}{{#tag:ref|Jackson argues that an association with the Northern Dvina River is essentially a misinterpretation of a skaldic term "Vína", which was "used as a metaphoric description of a river in general."{{sfn|Jackson|2002|pp=170–2}} Historiographical localisations of Bjarmaland have varied greatly, including on both eastern and western sides of the White Sea, and from the White Sea to the Ural Mountains.{{sfn|Jackson|2002|pp=167, 170}}|group="Fn"}} Having just explained how Ohthere did not dare enter the land of the Beormas because it was so well cultivated and because of "unfrið", the report of Ohthere's travels then indicates that he had spoken with them. He explained that the Beormas had told him much about their own land and those of their neighbours, but he says nothing further of this: "he knew not what was true, because he did not see it himself".{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}} This incongruity may be explained by his learning of these things from Beormas encountered elsewhere, or from Sami, whose language Ohthere reports as being almost the same as that of the Beormas.^[20] Historian Christine Fell suggests that the Old English Orosius' use of the word "unfrið" might rather indicate that Ohthere made a diplomatic approach to the Beormas because he had no trading agreement with them.{{sfn|Fell|1982|pp=85–100}}

The Beormas have been linked with the Old Permic culture, for example through late-medieval treaties dealing with, among other things, a territory called Koloperem{{'}}, a place-name which "must have emerged as a designation of a land of perem{{'}} [i.e. Beormas] on the Kola Peninsula":^[21] the latter forms the north-western coast of the White Sea, and is defined in part by an inlet of the sea leading to the town of Kandalaksha. The ethnicity of the Beormas and the Perm{{'}} remains uncertain, but the term "perem{{'-}}" may have originated as a word used for nomadic tradesmen, rather than an ethnic group.{{sfn|Jackson|2002|p=171}}

Journey south to Hedeby

Ohthere's account of a journey to the Danish trading settlement of Hedeby begins with a reference to a place in the south of Norway named "Sciringes heal", to which he said one could not sail from his home in Hålogaland in less than a month if he camped at night and always had a fair wind.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}{{#tag:ref|The phrase "fair wind" is an accepted translation of Old English "ambyrne wind", e.g. in {{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}.^[22] However, an opposite translation of "ambyrne" as "contrary" also exists.^[23] The Old English word "ambyrne" is found only once, in a single instance in the Old English Orosius, though "amberlice", an adverb cognate with "ambyrne", is found in one of Ælfric of Eynsham's homilies.{{sfn|Bammesberger|1983|pp=97–8}} See Campbell, A. (1972), An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Enlarged Addenda and Corrigenda to the Supplement by T. Northcote Toller, Oxford University Press, p. 152 and Korhammer, M., "Viking seafaring and the meaning of Ohthere's ambyrne wind", in Bammesberger, A., ed. (1985), Problems of Old English Lexicography. Studies in Memory of Angus Cameron, Pustet, pp. 151–73. In 2013 the prevailing wind on the western and southern coasts of Norway was described as Southerly in winter and Northerly in summer for 40% of the time at most, with variations caused by passing cyclones.^[24]|group="Fn"}} Ohthere then described sailing to Sciringes heal, keeping near the Norwegian coast on the port side and having first "Iraland" to starboard, then the islands between "Iraland" and Britain, and finally Britain itself until arriving at Sciringes heal.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}

The principal interpretations of "Iraland" in the Old English Orosius are that it might mean either Ireland or Iceland. While it is possible that the original text of Ohthere's account read "Isaland", for "Iceland", and that the "s" was at some point replaced by "r", geographically the circumstances described are better suited for Iceland than for Ireland.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=13–5}} Alternatively, given that "Iraland" occurs in the same form, with an "r", twice on the same manuscript page, and given that Ohthere was a seafarer, it may be that he was describing sea-routes to Ireland and Britain rather than actual directions, with no thought for Iceland.^[25] Britain, or England, is regarded as self-evident, represented in Ohthere's account through the phrase "this land" (þis land): Ohthere is reported as giving his account in person to King Alfred of Wessex.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=50–1, 58}}

Sciringes heal has been held to represent Skiringssal (Old Norse: Skíringssalr) in almost all relevant historical writing since the early 19th century, mainly by reason of the superficial similarity of the names, to the extent that some modern translations of Ohthere's account feature the name "Skiringssal" in place of "Sciringes heal".{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=26–36}} Skiringssal is a historical location, mentioned in Scandinavian sagas, which has been identified with some certainty as an area comparable to the parish of Tjølling, a little over {{convert|3|mi|km|0}} east of Larvik, with important Viking Age archaeological sites at Huseby, just south of Tjølling, and at Kaupang, near the shoreline south-west of Tjølling, in the south-eastern county of Vestfold in modern Norway.^[26]{{#tag:ref|While the place-name "Huseby" indicates a location historically connected with kings and chieftains,^[27] the place-name "Kaupang" represents an Old Norse word "kaupangr", meaning "market" or "trading place".{{sfn|Brink|2007|p=63}} The archaeological discovery of a Viking Age trading place at Kaupang has been taken as ipso facto confirmation that this was Ohthere's Sciringes heal, for example by Charlotte Blindheim, the lead archaeologist involved.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=1–2, 80–1}}|group="Fn"}} An alternative view is that an identification of Sciringes heal with Skiringssal is impossible to reconcile with the detail of Ohthere's account, and is unlikely for historical and linguistic reasons.^[28]{{#tag:ref|Geographically, whereas Ohthere only mentions sailing southwards to Sciringes heal, with Britain ultimately on the starboard side, a journey from Hålogaland to the vicinity of Larvik would also involve subsequently sailing east and north, with Britain no longer on the starboard side.^[29] Historically, whereas Ohthere said that he had Norway to port all the way to Sciringes heal, and only drew alongside Denmark after leaving Sciringes heal, what is now south-eastern Norway was probably part of the kingdom of Denmark towards the end of the 9th century, as far west as Lindesnes at the southernmost extremity of modern Norway.^[30] Linguistically, the "heal" in "Sciringes heal" is grammatically a masculine word in the Old English Orosius, indicating "healh", a word referring to a feature of the landscape.^[31] Conversely the "sal" in "Skíringssalr" is an Old Norse word referring to a building: while proponents of an identification between Sciringes heal and "Skíringssalr" have understood the word "heal" to be the Old English word "heall", for "hall", this word is feminine; and, if a translation for "sal" were intended in the Old English Orosius, then the Old English cognate "sele" was available.^[32]|group="Fn"}} According to this interpretation, a location for Sciringes heal west of Lindesnes, the southernmost extremity of Norway, is to be preferred, perhaps at Lunde on the Lista peninsula.{{sfn|Birgisson|2008|pp=149–50}} Whether Sciringes heal was identical with Skiringssal, or was located in Tjølling parish or west of Lindesnes, it is described in Ohthere's account in the Old English Orosius as a "port" (an port).{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}} Ohthere's account uses the same word for the Danish trading settlement of Hedeby (þæm porte), suggesting that Sciringes heal may have been similar in nature, though the Old English word "port" can signify nothing more than a haven.^[33]{{#tag:ref|Citing Janet Bately, Kjell-Olav Masdalen notes that the Old English word "port" may not have been in the Norwegian Ohthere's vocabulary.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|p=41}}|group="Fn"}}

When Ohthere sailed on from Sciringes heal, he reported having first had Denmark to port and a wide sea to starboard for three days, after which for two days he had islands belonging to Denmark on his port side and Jutland (Gotland and Sillende) and many islands to starboard, before arriving at Hedeby, which lay at the head of the Schlei inlet in what was then south-eastern Denmark.{{sfn|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}} It is in Ohthere's description of this part of the journey that the earliest copy of the Old English Orosius gives the first known mention of the term "Denmark", in the form "dena mearc".^[34] However, his first reference to Denmark being on his port side presumably makes reference to areas of the 9th-century Danish kingdom that lay on the Scandinavian peninsula.{{sfn|Masdalen|2010|pp=68–9, 73–6}}{{#tag:ref|A detailed discussion of Ohthere's possible route from Sciringes heal to Hedeby is at {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=76–9}}.|group="Fn"}}

The reason for Ohthere's visit to King Alfred of Wessex is not recorded. There is also no mention in the Old English Orosius of how recent the journeys were when Ohthere described them to the king, where the meeting took place, or the route by which Ohthere arrived in southern England.

In modern culture

Ohthere's audience with King Alfred is dramatised in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's poem "The Discoverer of the North Cape: A Leaf from King Alfred's Orosius", and Ohthere and his journey appear in the 1957 novel The Lost Dragon of Wessex by Gwendolyn Bowers.

References

Footnotes

1. ^Thorpe, 1900, pp. 249–253.
2. ^{{harvnb|Waite|2000|p=38}}; {{harvnb|Keynes|Lapidge|1983|pp=113–20}}.
3. ^{{harvnb|Bately|1980|pp=lxxxvi–xcii}}, cited in {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=3}}.
4. ^{{harvnb|Whitelock|1966|p=66}}, quoted in {{harvnb|Whitaker|1981|p=2(note)}}.
5. ^¹"Detailed record for Additional 47967". (not dated). British Library Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts. Retrieved 22 December 2013.
6. ^{{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=4}}; {{harvnb|Birgisson|2008|p=153}}.
7. ^{{harvnb|Helle|1991|p=20}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=4}}.
8. ^"amber". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 23 December 2013.
9. ^"bushel". (2013). Cambridge Dictionaries Online. Retrieved 23 December 2013.
10. ^'eln'. (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 25 December 2013.
11. ^{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=250–1}}; {{harvnb|Whitaker|1981|p=6}}.
12. ^"gafol". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 3 December 2014.
13. ^{{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=13}}; {{harvnb|Bately|1980|p=188}} cited in {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=13}}.
14. ^{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=4}}.
15. ^"{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}; {{harvnb|Waite|2000|p=41}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=54}}.
16. ^Janet Bately, quoted in {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=17}}.
17. ^¹Janet Bately, quoted in {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=50}}.
18. ^The International System of Units. (2006). BIPM. Retrieved 25 December 2013.
19. ^{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=248–9}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=13}}.
20. ^{{harvnb|Helle|1991|p=21}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=13}}.
21. ^{{harvnb|Jackson|2002|p=171}}; {{harvnb|Whitaker|1981|p=4}}.
22. ^"am-byr". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 26 December 2013.
23. ^"am-byre". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 26 December 2013.
24. ^{{cite enroute|182|2018|3}}
25. ^{{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=15}}; {{harvnb|Malone|1933|p=78}}.
26. ^{{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=45–9}}; {{harvnb|Brink|2007|p=55(map)}}.
27. ^{{harvnb|Brink|2007|pp=62–3}}; {{harvnb|Iverson|2011|p=}}.
28. ^{{harvnb|Birgisson|2008|pp=144–9}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=1–2}}
29. ^{{harvnb|Birgisson|2008|p=146}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|p=58}}.
30. ^{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}; {{harvnb|Birgisson|2008|p=146}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=54, 61–3, 71–3}}.
31. ^{{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=41–2}}; "healh". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 27 December 2013.
32. ^{{harvnb|Birgisson|2008|pp=148–9}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=42, 81}}; "heall" & "sele". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 27 December 2013.
33. ^{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}; {{harvnb|Masdalen|2010|pp=39–41}}; "port". (2010). Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Charles University, Prague. Retrieved 27 December 2013.
34. ^{{harvnb|Thorpe|1900|pp=252–3}}; {{harvnb|Ekblom|1930|pages=186–7}}.