“Ancestral Puebloans”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

The Ancestral Puebloans were an ancient Native American culture that spanned the present-day Four Corners region of the United States, comprising southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, and southwestern Colorado.^[1] The Ancestral Puebloans are believed to have developed, at least in part, from the Oshara Tradition, who developed from the Picosa culture.

They lived in a range of structures that included small family pit houses, larger structures to house clans, grand pueblos, and cliff-sited dwellings for defense. The Ancestral Puebloans possessed a complex network that stretched across the Colorado Plateau linking hundreds of communities and population centers. They held a distinct knowledge of celestial sciences that found form in their architecture. The kiva, a congregational space that was used chiefly for ceremonial purposes, was an integral part of this ancient people's community structure.

In contemporary times, the people and their archaeological culture were referred to as Anasazi for historical purposes. The Navajo, who were not their descendants, called them by this term. Reflecting historic traditions, the term was used to mean "ancient enemies". Contemporary Puebloans do not want this term to be used.^[2]^[3]

Archaeologists continue to debate when this distinct culture emerged. The current agreement, based on terminology defined by the Pecos Classification, suggests their emergence around the 12th century BC, during the archaeologically designated Early Basketmaker II Era. Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers identified Ancestral Puebloans as the forerunners of contemporary Pueblo peoples.^[1]^[3] Three UNESCO World Heritage Sites located in the United States are credited to the Pueblos: Mesa Verde National Park, Chaco Culture National Historical Park and Taos Pueblo.

Etymology

Geography

The Ancestral Puebloans were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. This area is sometimes referred to as Oasisamerica in the region defining pre-Columbian southwestern North America. The others are the Mogollon, Hohokam, and Patayan. In relation to neighboring cultures, the Ancestral Puebloans occupied the northeast quadrant of the area.^[5] The Ancestral Puebloan homeland centers on the Colorado Plateau, but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern Nevada on the west.

Areas of southern Nevada, Utah, and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers in Arizona and the Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in New Mexico. Structures and other evidence of Ancestral Puebloan culture has been found extending east onto the American Great Plains, in areas near the Cimarron and Pecos Rivers and in the Galisteo Basin.

Terrain and resources within this large region vary greatly. The plateau regions have high elevations ranging from {{convert|4500|to|8500|ft|m}}. Extensive horizontal mesas are capped by sedimentary formations and support woodlands of junipers, pinon, and ponderosa pines, each favoring different elevations. Wind and water erosion have created steep-walled canyons, and sculpted windows and bridges out of the sandstone landscape. In areas where resistant strata (sedimentary rock layers), such as sandstone or limestone, overlie more easily eroded strata such as shale, rock overhangs formed. The Ancestral Puebloans favored building under such overhangs for shelters and defensive building sites.

All areas of the Ancestral Puebloan homeland suffered from periods of drought, and wind and water erosion. Summer rains could be unreliable and often arrived as destructive thunderstorms. While the amount of winter snowfall varied greatly, the Ancestral Puebloans depended on the snow for most of their water. Snow melt allowed the germination of seeds, both wild and cultivated, in the spring.

Where sandstone layers overlay shale, snow melt could accumulate and create seeps and springs, which the Ancestral Puebloans used as water sources. Snow also fed the smaller, more predictable tributaries, such as the Chinle, Animas, Jemez, and Taos Rivers. The larger rivers were less directly important to the ancient culture, as smaller streams were more easily diverted or controlled for irrigation.

Cultural characteristics

The Ancestral Puebloan culture is perhaps best known for the stone and earth dwellings its people built along cliff walls, particularly during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III eras, from about 900 to 1350 AD in total. The best-preserved examples of the stone dwellings are now protected within United States' national parks, such as Navajo National Monument, Chaco Culture National Historical Park, Mesa Verde National Park, Canyons of the Ancients National Monument, Aztec Ruins National Monument, Bandelier National Monument, Hovenweep National Monument, and Canyon de Chelly National Monument.

These villages, called pueblos by Spanish colonists, were accessible only by rope or through rock climbing. These astonishing building achievements had modest beginnings. The first Ancestral Puebloan homes and villages were based on the pit-house, a common feature in the Basketmaker periods.

Ancestral Puebloans are also known for their pottery. In general, pottery used for cooking or storage in the region was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. Pottery used for more formal purposes was often more richly adorned. In the northern or "Anasazi" portion of the Ancestral Pueblo world, from about 500 to 1300 AD, the most common decorated pottery had black-painted designs on white or light gray backgrounds.^[6] Decoration is characterized by fine hatching, and contrasting colors are produced by the use of mineral-based paint on a chalky background.^[7] South of the Anasazi territory, in Mogollon settlements, pottery was more often hand-coiled, scraped, and polished, with red to brown coloring.^[8]

Some tall cylinders are considered ceremonial vessels, while narrow-necked jars may have been used for liquids. Ware in the southern portion of the region, particularly after 1150 AD, is characterized by heavier black-line decoration and the use of carbon-based colorants.^[7] In northern New Mexico, the local "black on white" tradition, the Rio Grande white wares, continued well after 1300 AD.

Changes in pottery composition, structure, and decoration are signals of social change in the archaeological record. This is particularly true as the peoples of the American Southwest began to leave their traditional homes and migrate south. According to archaeologists Patricia Crown and Steadman Upham, the appearance of the bright colors on Salada Polychromes in the 14th century may reflect religious or political alliances on a regional level. Late 14th- and 15th-century pottery from central Arizona, widely traded in the region, has colors and designs which may derive from earlier ware by both Ancestral Pueblo and Mogollon peoples.^[9]

The Ancestral Puebloans also created many petroglyphs and pictographs. The pictograph style with which they are associated is the called the Barrier Canyon Style. This form of pictograph is painted in areas in which the images would be protected from the sun yet visible to a group of people. The figures are sometimes phantom or alien looking. The Holy Ghost panel in the Horseshoe Canyon is considered to be one of the earliest uses of graphical perspective where the largest figure appears to take on a three dimensional representation.

Recent archaeological evidence has established that in at least one great house, Pueblo Bonito, the elite family whose burials associate them with the site practiced matrilineal succession. Room 33 in Pueblo Bonito, the richest burial ever excavated in the Southwest, served as a crypt for one powerful lineage, traced through the female line, for approximately 330 years. While other Ancestral Pueblo burials have not yet been subjected to the same archaeogenomic testing, the survival of matrilineal descent among contemporary Puebloans suggests that this may have been a widespread practice among Ancestral Puebloans.^[10]

Architecture – Pueblo complexes and Great Houses

The Ancestral Pueblo people crafted a unique architecture with planned community spaces. The ancient population centers such as Chaco Canyon (outside Crownpoint, New Mexico), Mesa Verde (near Cortez, Colorado), and Bandelier National Monument (near Los Alamos, New Mexico) have brought renown to the Ancestral Pueblo peoples. They consisted of apartment-like complexes and structures made from stone, adobe mud, and other local material, or were carved into the sides of canyon walls. Developed within these cultures, the people also adopted design details from other cultures as far away as contemporary Mexico.

In their day, these ancient towns and cities were usually multistoried and multipurposed buildings surrounding open plazas and viewsheds. They were occupied by hundreds to thousands of Ancestral Pueblo peoples. These population complexes hosted cultural and civic events and infrastructure that supported a vast outlying region hundreds of miles away linked by transportation roadways.

Constructed well before 1492 AD, these Ancestral Pueblo towns and villages in the Southwestern United States were located in various defensive positions, for example, on high, steep mesas such as at Mesa Verde or present-day Acoma Pueblo, called the "Sky City", in New Mexico. Earlier than 900 AD and progressing past the 13th century, the population complexes were a major center of culture for the Ancestral Puebloans. In Chaco Canyon, Chacoan developers quarried sandstone blocks and hauled timber from great distances, assembling 15 major complexes. These ranked as the largest buildings in North America until the late 19th century.^[11]^[12]

Evidence of archaeoastronomy at Chaco has been proposed, with the Sun Dagger petroglyph at Fajada Butte a popular example. Many Chacoan buildings may have been aligned to capture the solar and lunar cycles,^[13] requiring generations of astronomical observations and centuries of skillfully coordinated construction.^[18] Climate change is thought to have led to the emigration of Chacoans and the eventual abandonment of the canyon, beginning with a 50-year drought that started in 1130.^[14]

Great Houses

Immense complexes known as "great houses" embodied worship at Chaco. Archaeologists have found musical instruments, jewelry, ceramics, and ceremonial items, indicating people in Great Houses were elite, wealthier families. They hosted indoor burials, where gifts were interred with the dead, often including bowls of food and turquoise beads.^[15]

As architectural forms evolved and centuries passed, the houses kept several core traits. Most apparent is their sheer bulk; complexes averaged more than 200 rooms each, and some enclosed up to 700 rooms.^[16] Individual rooms were substantial in size, with higher ceilings than Ancestral Pueblo works of preceding periods. They were well-planned: vast sections or wings erected were finished in a single stage, rather than in increments.

Houses generally faced the south. Plaza areas were almost always girt with edifices of sealed-off rooms or high walls. Houses often stood four or five stories tall, with single-story rooms facing the plaza; room blocks were terraced to allow the tallest sections to compose the pueblo's rear edifice. Rooms were often organized into suites, with front rooms larger than rear, interior, and storage rooms or areas.

Ceremonial structures known as kivas were built in proportion to the number of rooms in a pueblo. One small kiva was built for roughly every 29 rooms. Nine complexes each hosted an oversized Great Kiva, each up to {{convert|63|ft}} in diameter. T-shaped doorways and stone lintels marked all Chacoan kivas.

Though simple and compound walls were often used, great houses were primarily constructed of core-and-veneer walls: two parallel load-bearing walls comprising dressed, flat sandstone blocks bound in clay mortar were erected.^[17] Gaps between walls were packed with rubble, forming the wall's core. Walls were then covered in a veneer of small sandstone pieces, which were pressed into a layer of binding mud.^[17] These surfacing stones were often placed in distinctive patterns.

The Chacoan structures altogether required the wood of 200,000 coniferous trees, mostly hauled—on foot—from mountain ranges up to {{convert|70|mi}} away.^[18]^[19]

Ceremonial infrastructure

One of the most notable aspects of Ancestral Puebloan infrastructure is at Chaco Canyon and is the Chaco Road, a system of roads radiating out from many great house sites such as Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl, and Una Vida. They led toward small outlier sites and natural features within and beyond the canyon limits.

Through satellite images and ground investigations, archaeologists have detected at least eight main roads that together run for more than 180 miles (300 km), and are more than 30 feet (10 m) wide. These were excavated into a smooth, leveled surface in the bedrock or created through the removal of vegetation and soil. The Ancestral Pueblo residents of Chaco Canyon cut large ramps and stairways into the cliff rock to connect the roadways on the ridgetops of the canyon to the sites on the valley bottoms.

The largest roads, constructed at the same time as many of the great house sites (between 1000 and 1125 AD), are: the Great North Road, the South Road, the Coyote Canyon Road, the Chacra Face Road, Ahshislepah Road, Mexican Springs Road, the West Road, and the shorter Pintado-Chaco Road. Simple structures like berms and walls are found sometimes aligned along the courses of the roads. Also, some tracts of the roads lead to natural features such as springs, lakes, mountain tops, and pinnacles.^[20]

Great North Road

The longest and most well-known of these roads is the Great North Road, which originates from different routes close to Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl. These roads converge at Pueblo Alto and from there lead north beyond the canyon limits. No communities are along the road's course, apart from small, isolated structures. {{citation needed|date=April 2015}}

Archaeological interpretations of the Chaco road system are divided between an economic purpose and a symbolic, ideological role linked to ancestral Puebloan beliefs.

The system was first discovered at the end of the 19th century. It was not excavated and studied until the 1970s. By the late 20th century, archeologists' assessments were helped by satellite images and photographs taken from plane flights over the area. Archaeologists suggested that the road's main purpose was to transport local and exotic goods to and from the canyon. {{Div col|colwidth=20em|small=yes}}

References

1. ^¹²"Ancestral Pueblo culture." Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 4 June 2012.
2. ^{{cite book|last1=Cordell|first1=Linda|last2=McBrinn|first2=Maxine|title=Archaeology of the Southwest|date=2012|edition=3}}
3. ^¹Hewit, "Puebloan Culture" {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100709073248/http://hewit.unco.edu/dohist/puebloan/begin.htm |date=2010-07-09 }}, University of Northern Colorado
4. ^"Anasazi". U*X*L Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes. U*X*L. 2008. Retrieved August 14, 2012 from HighBeam Research: http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G2-3048800031.html
5. ^The Anasazi or "Ancient Pueblo" {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150828055734/http://www.cpluhna.nau.edu/People/anasazi.htm |date=August 28, 2015 }}, from CP-LUHNA, Northern Arizona University
6. ^{{cite journal|journal=Kiva|title=Pottery Paint and Other Uses of Rocky Mountain Beeweed (Cleome serrulata Pursh) in the Southwestern United States: Ethnographic Data, Archæological Record, and Elemental Composition|last1=Adams|first1=Karen R.|last2=Stewart |first2=Joe D. |last3=Baldwin|first3=Stuart J.|year=2002|volume=67|issue=4|pages=339–362|publisher=Maney Publishing|location=Leeds, UK|jstor=30246404}}
7. ^¹Cordell, pp. 98
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9. ^Cordell, p. 142-143
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18. ^{{harvnb|Sofaer|1999}}
19. ^¹²Kantner, John (2004). "Ancient Puebloan Southwest", pp. 161–66
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22. ^Lekson, Stephen (1999). The Chaco Meridian: centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest. Walnut Creek, California: Altamira Press
23. ^Phillips, David A., Jr., 2000, "The Chaco Meridian: A skeptical analysis", paper presented to the 65th annual meeting of the Society of American Archaeology, Philadelphia.
24. ^The first to surmise this was John W. Powell, Canyons of the Colorado, 1895, Flood & Vincent.
25. ^Spelling, Kemp, Wyatt, Monroe, Lipe, Arndt, and Yang (Feb 1, 2010) "Ancient mitochondrial DNA analysis reveals complexity of indigenous North American turkey domestication", PNAS
26. ^"Mountains of Evidence", in American Scientist {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150925052635/http://www.americanscientist.org/template/AssetDetail/assetid/50746%3Bjsessionid%3Daaa5LVF0 |date=September 25, 2015 }}
27. ^¹{{cite AV media|people=Christy Turner, Steven LeBlanc|date=17 May 2000|title= Secrets of the Dead: Cannibalism in the Canyon|medium=Motion Picture|language=English|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7BLKttn_cS8|access-date=21 October 2017|publisher=PBS}}
28. ^LeBlanc p.174
29. ^Tim White, Prehistoric Cannibalism at Mancos 5MTUMR-2346, Princeton, 1992, {{ISBN|0-691-09467-5}}
30. ^Potter, J.M., Chuipka, J.P. "Perimortem mutilation of human remains in an early village in the American Southwest: A case for ethnic violence." J. Anthropol. Archaeol. (2010), doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2010.08.001
31. ^{{cite web|author=Alexandra Witze|date=1 June 2001|title= Researchers Divided Over Whether Anasazi Were Cannibals|language=English|url=https://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2001/06/0601_wireanasazi.html|access-date=22 November 2017|publisher=National Geographic}}
32. ^{{Cite news|url=https://www.prestonchild.com/books/thunderhead/Cannibals-of-the-Canyon-by-Douglas-Preston;art46,62|title=Cannibals of the Canyon|last=Preston|first=Douglas|date=November 30, 1998|work=The New Yorker|access-date=}}
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34. ^Cordell, pp. 18–19
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