| 词条 | Progressivism in the United States |
| 释义 |
Historian Alonzo Hamby defined American progressivism as the "political movement that addresses ideas, impulses, and issues stemming from modernization of American society. Emerging at the end of the nineteenth century, it established much of the tone of American politics throughout the first half of the century."[3] Progressive Era{{main|Progressive Era}}Historians debate the exact contours, but generally date the "Progressive Era" from the 1890s to either World War I or the onset of the Great Depression, in response to the perceived excesses of the Gilded Age.[4] Many of the core principles of the Progressive Movement focused on the need for efficiency in all areas of society. Purification to eliminate waste and corruption was a powerful element,[5] as well as the Progressives' support of worker compensation, improved child labor laws, minimum wage legislation, a support for a maximum hours that workers could work for, graduated income tax and allowed women the right to vote.[4] According to historian William Leuchtenburg: The Progressives believed in the Hamiltonian concept of positive government, of a national government directing the destinies of the nation at home and abroad. They had little but contempt for the strict construction of the Constitution by conservative judges, who would restrict the power of the national government to act against social evils and to extend the blessings of democracy to less favored lands. The real enemy was particularism, state rights, limited government.[6] Purifying the electorateProgressives repeatedly warned that illegal voting was corrupting the political system. They especially identified big-city bosses, working with saloon keepers and precinct workers, as the culprits who stuffed the ballot boxes. The solution to purifying the vote included prohibition (designed to close down the saloons), voter registration requirements (designed to end multiple voting), and literacy tests (designed to minimize the number of ignorant voters).[7] All of the Southern states (and Oklahoma) used devices to disenfranchise black voters during the Progressive Era.[8][9] Typically the progressive elements in those states pushed for disenfranchisement, often fighting against the conservatism of the Black Belt whites.[10] A major reason given was that whites routinely purchased black votes to control elections, and it was easier to disenfranchise blacks than to go after powerful white men.[11] In the North, Progressives such as William U'Ren and Robert La Follette argued that the average citizen should have more control over his government. The Oregon System of "Initiative, Referendum, and Recall" was exported to many states, including Idaho, Washington, and Wisconsin.[12] Many progressives, such as George M. Forbes, president of Rochester's Board of Education, hoped to make government in the U.S. more responsive to the direct voice of the American people when he said: [W]e are now intensely occupied in forging the tools of democracy, the direct primary, the initiative, the referendum, the recall, the short ballot, commission government. But in our enthusiasm we do not seem to be aware that these tools will be worthless unless they are used by those who are aflame with the sense of brotherhood ... The idea [of the social centers movement is] to establish in each community an institution having a direct and vital relation to the welfare of the neighborhood, ward, or district, and also to the city as a whole[13] Philip J. Ethington seconds this high view of direct democracy saying: initiatives, referendums, and recalls, along with direct primaries and the direct election of US Senators, were the core achievements of 'direct democracy' by the Progressive generation during the first two decades of the twentieth century.[14] Progressives fought for women's suffrage to purify the elections using supposedly purer female voters.[15] Progressives in the South supported the elimination of supposedly corrupt black voters from the election booth. Historian Michael Perman says that in both Texas and Georgia, "disfranchisement was the weapon as well as the rallying cry in the fight for reform"; and in Virginia, "the drive for disfranchisement had been initiated by men who saw themselves as reformers, even progressives."[16] While the ultimate significance of the progressive movement on today's politics is still up for debate, Alonzo L. Hamby asks: What were the central themes that emerged from the cacophony [of progressivism]? Democracy or elitism? Social justice or social control? Small entrepreneurship or concentrated capitalism? And what was the impact of American foreign policy? Were the progressives isolationists or interventionists? Imperialists or advocates of national self-determination? And whatever they were, what was their motivation? Moralistic utopianism? Muddled relativistic pragmatism? Hegemonic capitalism? Not surprisingly many battered scholars began to shout 'no mas!' In 1970, Peter Filene declared that the term 'progressivism' had become meaningless.[17] Municipal administrationThe Progressives typically concentrated on city and state government, looking for waste and better ways to provide services as the cities grew rapidly. These changes led to a more structured system, power that had been centralized within the legislature would now be more locally focused. The changes were made to the system to effectively make legal processes, market transactions, bureaucratic administration, and democracy easier to manage, thus putting them under the classification of "Municipal Administration". There was also a change in authority for this system; it was believed that the authority that was not properly organized had now given authority to professionals, experts, and bureaucrats for these services. These changes led to a more solid type of municipal administration compared to the old system that was underdeveloped and poorly constructed.[18][19][20][21][22] The Progressives mobilized concerned middle class voters, as well as newspapers and magazines, to identify problems and concentrate reform sentiment on specific problems. Many Protestants focused on the saloon as the power base for corruption, as well as violence and family disruption, so they tried to get rid of the entire saloon system through prohibition. Others (like Jane Addams in Chicago) promoted Settlement Houses.[23] Early municipal reformers included Hazen S. Pingree (mayor of Detroit in the 1890s)[24] and Tom L. Johnson in Cleveland, Ohio. In 1901, Johnson won election as mayor of Cleveland on a platform of just taxation, home rule for Ohio cities, and a 3-cent streetcar fare.[25] Columbia University President Seth Low was elected mayor of New York City in 1901 on a reform ticket.[26] EfficiencyMany progressives such as Louis Brandeis hoped to make American governments better able to serve the people's needs by making governmental operations and services more efficient and rational. Rather than making legal arguments against ten-hour workdays for women, he used "scientific principles" and data produced by social scientists documenting the high costs of long working hours for both individuals and society.[27] The progressives' quest for efficiency was sometimes at odds with the progressives' quest for democracy. Taking power out of the hands of elected officials and placing that power in the hands of professional administrators reduced the voice of the politicians and in turn reduced the voice of the people. Centralized decision-making by trained experts and reduced power for local wards made government less corrupt but more distant and isolated from the people it served. Progressives who emphasized the need for efficiency typically argued that trained independent experts could make better decisions than the local politicians. Thus Walter Lippmann in his influential Drift and Mastery (1914), stressing the "scientific spirit" and "discipline of democracy," called for a strong central government guided by experts rather than public opinion.[28] One example of progressive reform was the rise of the city manager system, in which paid, professional engineers ran the day-to-day affairs of city governments under guidelines established by elected city councils. Many cities created municipal "reference bureaus" which did expert surveys of government departments looking for waste and inefficiency. After in-depth surveys, local and even state governments were reorganized to reduce the number of officials and to eliminate overlapping areas of authority between departments. City governments were reorganized to reduce the power of local ward bosses and to increase the powers of the city council. Governments at every level began developing budgets to help them plan their expenditures (rather than spending money haphazardly as needs arose and revenue became available). Governor Frank Lowden of Illinois showed a "passion for efficiency" as he streamlined state government.[29] Movements to eliminate governmental corruptionCorruption represented a source of waste and inefficiency in the government. William U'Ren in Oregon, and Robert M. La Follette Sr. in Wisconsin, and others worked to clean up state and local governments by passing laws to weaken the power of machine politicians and political bosses. In Wisconsin, La Follette pushed through an open primary system that stripped party bosses of the power to pick party candidates.[30] The Oregon System, which included a "Corrupt Practices Act", a public referendum, and a state-funded voter's pamphlet among other reforms was exported to other states in the northwest and Midwest. Its high point was in 1912, after which they detoured into a disastrous third party status.[31] EducationEarly progressive thinkers such as John Dewey and Lester Ward placed a universal and comprehensive system of education at the top of the progressive agenda, reasoning that if a democracy were to be successful, its leaders, the general public, needed a good education.[32] Progressives worked hard to expand and improve public and private education at all levels. Modernization of society, they believed, necessitated the compulsory education of all children, even if the parents objected. Progressives turned to educational researchers to evaluate the reform agenda by measuring numerous aspects of education, later leading to standardized testing. Many educational reforms and innovations generated during this period continued to influence debates and initiatives in American education for the remainder of the 20th century. One of the most apparent legacies of the Progressive Era left to American education was the perennial drive to reform schools and curricula, often as the product of energetic grass-roots movements in the city.[33] Since progressivism was and continues to be 'in the eyes of the beholder,' progressive education encompasses very diverse and sometimes conflicting directions in educational policy. Such enduring legacies of the Progressive Era continue to interest historians. Progressive Era reformers stressed 'object teaching,' meeting the needs of particular constituencies within the school district, equal educational opportunity for boys and girls, and avoiding corporal punishment.[34] {{Harvtxt|Gamson|2003}} examines the implementation of progressive reforms in three city school districts—Seattle, Washington, Oakland, California, and Denver, Colorado—during 1900–28. Historians of educational reform during the Progressive Era tend to highlight the fact that many progressive policies and reforms were very different and, at times, even contradictory. At the school district level, contradictory reform policies were often especially apparent, though there is little evidence of confusion among progressive school leaders in Seattle, Oakland, and Denver. District leaders in these cities, including Frank B. Cooper in Seattle and Fred M. Hunter in Oakland, often employed a seemingly contradictory set of reforms: local progressive educators consciously sought to operate independently of national progressive movements; they preferred reforms that were easy to implement; and they were encouraged to mix and blend diverse reforms that had been shown to work in other cities.[35]The reformers emphasized professionalization and bureaucratization. The old system whereby ward politicians selected school employees was dropped in the case of teachers and replaced by a merit system requiring a college-level education in a normal school (teacher's college).[36] The rapid growth in size and complexity the large urban school systems facilitated stable employment for women teachers and provided senior teachers greater opportunities to mentor younger teachers. By 1900 in Providence, Rhode Island, most women remained as teachers for at least 17.5 years, indicating teaching had become a significant and desirable career path for women.[37] Regulation of large corporations and monopoliesMany progressives hoped that by regulating large corporations they could liberate human energies from the restrictions imposed by industrial capitalism. Yet the progressive movement was split over which of the following solutions should be used to regulate corporations. Trust bustingPro-labor progressives such as Samuel Gompers argued that industrial monopolies were unnatural economic institutions which suppressed the competition which was necessary for progress and improvement.[39][40] United States antitrust law is the body of laws that prohibits anti-competitive behavior (monopoly) and unfair business practices. Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft supported trust-busting. During their presidencies, the otherwise-conservative Taft brought down 90 trusts in four years while Roosevelt took down 44 in 7 1/2 years in office.[41] RegulationProgressives such as Benjamin Parke De Witt argued that in a modern economy, large corporations and even monopolies were both inevitable and desirable.{{sfn|Gompers|McBride|Green|1916|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=f4iGAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA129 129]}} With their massive resources and economies of scale, large corporations offered the U.S. advantages which smaller companies could not offer. Yet, these large corporations might abuse their great power. The federal government should allow these companies to exist but regulate them for the public interest. President Theodore Roosevelt generally supported this idea and was later to incorporate it as part of his "New Nationalism". Social workProgressives set up training programs to ensure that welfare and charity work would be undertaken by trained professionals rather than warm-hearted amateurs.[42] Jane Addams of Chicago's Hull House typified the leadership of residential, community centers operated by social workers and volunteers and located in inner city slums. The purpose of the settlement houses was to raise the standard of living of urbanites by providing adult education and cultural enrichment programs.[43]Anti-prostitutionDuring this era of massive reformation among all social aspects, elimination of prostitution was vital for the progressive's, especially the women. The intolerable movement of "purity crusade" aimed to "civilize morality", this is what initially shaped the anti-prostitution ideals. The issue of prostitution remained local at first but escalated to a major national issue in the first two decades of the twentieth century. There are many reasons as to why this movement had first sparked but the central argument is that anti-prostitution had a majority to do with the anxieties that were produced by the transformation of society. Generally, the transformation of American society is regarded as forward-looking and modernizing but also accompanied by tension, anxiety and fear. The rise of prostitution left society confused and bewildered. Not all Americans were harshly reforming to eliminate prostitution, there were "regulationists". These people were typically municipal officers, public health officers, police and some physicians who emphasized that prostitution would always exist and suggested that medical examination was the only way to protect the public. This ideal infuriated reformers. The thought of official sanction and licensing of prostitutes was an insult to womanhood. The combination of the older understanding that the existence of prostitution mocked the ideals of civilized morality and because of this, progressives strived to eliminate the practice completely to "purify" and "civilize" society. [44]Enactment of child labor laws{{main|Child labor laws in the United States}}Child labor laws were designed to prevent the overuse of children in the newly emerging industries. The goal of these laws was to give working class children the opportunity to go to school and mature more institutionally, thereby liberating the potential of humanity and encouraging the advancement of humanity. Factory owners generally did not want this progression because of lost workers. They used Charles Dickens as a symbol that the working conditions spark imagination. This initiative failed, with child labor laws being enacted anyway.[45][46][47] Support for the goals of organized laborLabor unions grew steadily until 1916, then expanded fast during the war. In 1919 a wave of major strikes alienated the middle class; the strikes were lost, which alienated the workers. In the 1920s the unions were in the doldrums; in 1924 they supported La Follette's Progressive party, but he only carried his base in Wisconsin. The American Federation of Labor under Samuel Gompers after 1907 began supporting the Democrats, who promised more favorable judges. The Republicans appointed pro-business judges. Theodore Roosevelt and his third party also supported such goals as the eight-hour work day, improved safety and health conditions in factories, workers' compensation laws, and minimum wage laws for women.[48] ProhibitionMost progressives, especially in rural areas, adopted the cause of prohibition.[49] They saw the saloon as political corruption incarnate, and bewailed the damage done to women and children. They believed the consumption of alcohol limited mankind's potential for advancement.[50] Progressives achieved success first with state laws then with the enactment of the Eighteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1919. The golden day did not dawn; enforcement was lax, especially in the cities where the law had very limited popular support and where notorious criminal gangs, such as the Chicago gang of Al Capone made a crime spree based on illegal sales of liquor in speakeasies. The "experiment" (as President Hoover called it) also cost the treasury large sums of taxes and the 18th amendment was repealed by the Twenty-first Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1933.[51] EugenicsSome Progressives sponsored eugenics as a solution to excessively large or under-performing families, hoping that birth control would enable parents to focus their resources on fewer, better children.[52] Progressive leaders like Herbert Croly and Walter Lippmann indicated their classically liberal concern over the danger posed to the individual by the practice of Eugenics.[53] ConservationDuring the term of the progressive President Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909), and influenced by the ideas of 'philosopher-scientists' such as George Perkins Marsh, John Wesley Powell, John Muir, Lester Frank Ward and W. J. McGee,[54] the largest government-funded conservation-related projects in U.S. history were undertaken: National parks and wildlife refuges{{further|National Park Service Organic Act|Antiquities Act|National Wildlife Refuge}}On March 14, 1903, President Roosevelt created the first National Bird Preserve, (the beginning of the Wildlife Refuge system), on Pelican Island, Florida. In all, by 1909, the Roosevelt administration had created an unprecedented 42 million acres (170,000 km²) of United States National Forests, 53 National Wildlife Refuges and 18 areas of "special interest", such as the Grand Canyon. ReclamationIn addition, Roosevelt approved the Newlands Reclamation Act of 1902, which gave subsidies for irrigation in 13 (eventually 20) western states. Another conservation-oriented bill was the Antiquities Act of 1906 that protected large areas of land by allowing the President to declare areas meriting protection to be National Monuments. The Inland Waterways Commission was appointed by Roosevelt on March 14, 1907 to study the river systems of the United States, including the development of water power, flood control, and land reclamation.[55] National politicsIn the early 20th century, politicians of the Democratic and Republican parties, Lincoln–Roosevelt League Republicans (in California) and Theodore Roosevelt's 1912 Progressive ("Bull Moose") Party all pursued environmental, political, and economic reforms. Chief among these aims was the pursuit of trust busting, the breaking up very large monopolies, and support for labor unions, public health programs, decreased corruption in politics, and environmental conservation.[56] The Progressive Movement enlisted support from both major parties (and from minor parties as well). One leader, Democrat William Jennings Bryan, had won both the Democratic Party and the Populist Party nominations in 1896. At the time, the great majority of other major leaders had been opposed to Populism. When Roosevelt left the Republican Party in 1912, he took with him many of the intellectual leaders of progressivism, but very few political leaders.[57] The Republican Party then became notably more committed to business-oriented and efficiency-oriented progressivism, typified by Taft and Herbert Hoover.[58] CultureThe foundation of the progressive tendency was indirectly linked to the unique philosophy of pragmatism, which was primarily developed by John Dewey and William James.[59][60] Equally significant to progressive-era reform were the crusading journalists, known as muckrakers. These journalists publicized, to middle class readers, economic privilege, political corruption, and social injustice. Their articles appeared in McClure's Magazine and other reform periodicals. Some muckrakers focused on corporate abuses. Ida Tarbell, for instance, exposed the activities of the Standard Oil Company. In The Shame of the Cities (1904), Lincoln Steffens dissected corruption in city government. In Following the Color Line (1908), Ray Stannard Baker criticized race relations. Other muckrakers assailed the Senate, railroad companies, insurance companies, and fraud in patent medicine.[61] Novelists, too, criticized corporate injustices. Theodore Dreiser drew harsh portraits of a type of ruthless businessman in The Financier (1912) and The Titan (1914). In The Jungle (1906), Socialist Upton Sinclair repelled readers with descriptions of Chicago's meatpacking plants, and his work led to support for remedial food safety legislation. Leading intellectuals also shaped the progressive mentality. In Dynamic Sociology (1883) Lester Frank Ward laid out the philosophical foundations of the Progressive movement and attacked the laissez-faire policies advocated by Herbert Spencer and William Graham Sumner.[62] In The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), Thorstein Veblen attacked the "conspicuous consumption" of the wealthy. Educator John Dewey emphasized a child-centered philosophy of pedagogy, known as progressive education, which affected schoolrooms for three generations.[63] Progressivism in the 21st centuryMitigating income inequalityIncome inequality in the United States has been on the rise since 1970, as the wealthy continue to hold more and more wealth and income.[64] For example, 95% of income gains from 2009 to 2013 went to the top 1% of wage earners in the United States.[65] Progressives have recognized that lower union rates, weak policy, globalization, and other drivers have caused the gap in income.[66][67][68] The rise of income inequality has led Progressives to draft legislation including, but not limited to, reforming Wall Street, reforming the tax code, reforming campaign finance, closing loopholes, and keeping domestic work.[69]Wall Street reformProgressives began to demand stronger Wall Street regulation after they perceived deregulation and relaxed enforcement as leading to the financial crisis of 2008. Passing the Dodd-Frank financial regulatory act in 2010 provided increased oversight on financial institutions and the creation of new regulatory agencies, but many Progressives argue its broad framework allows for financial institutions to continue to take advantage of consumers and the government.[70] Bernie Sanders, among others, has advocated to reimplement Glass-Steagall for its stricter regulation and to break up the banks because of financial institutions' market share being concentrated in fewer corporations than progressives would like.[71][72] Health care reformIn 2009, the Congressional Progressive Caucus outlined five key healthcare principles they intended to pass into law. The CPC mandated a nationwide public option, affordable health insurance, insurance market regulations, an employer insurance provision mandate, and comprehensive services for children.[73] In March 2010, Congress passed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which was intended to increase the affordability and efficiency of the United States healthcare system. Although considered a success by progressives, many argued that it didn't go far enough in achieving healthcare reform, as exemplified with the Democrats' failure in achieving a national public option.[74] In recent decades, Single-payer healthcare has become an important goal in healthcare reform for progressives. In the 2016 Democratic Primary, progressive and democratic socialist presidential candidate Bernie Sanders raised the issue of a single-payer healthcare system, citing his belief that millions of Americans are still paying too much for health insurance, and arguing that millions more don't receive the care they need.[75] In 2016, an effort was made to implement a single-payer healthcare system in the state of Colorado, known as ColoradoCare (Amendment 69). Senator Bernie Sanders held rallies in Colorado in support of the Amendment leading up to the vote.[76] Despite high-profile support, Amendment 69 failed to pass, with just 21.23% of voting Colorado residents voting in favor, and 78.77% against.[77] Minimum wageAdjusted for inflation, the minimum wage peaked in 1968 at $8.54 (in 2014 dollars).[78] Progressives believe that stagnating wages perpetuate income inequality and that raising the minimum wage is a necessary step to combat inequality.[68] If the minimum wage grew at the rate of productivity growth in the United States, it would be $21.72 an hour, nearly three times as much as the current $7.25 an hour.[79] Popular progressives, such as Senator Bernie Sanders and Rep. Keith Ellison, have endorsed a federally mandated wage increase to $15 an hour.[80] The movement has already seen success with its implementation in California with the passing of bill to raise the minimum wage $1 every year until reaching $15 an hour in 2021.[81] New York workers are lobbying for similar legislation as many continue to rally for a minimum wage increase as part of the Fight for $15 movement.[82] Black Lives MatterBlack Lives Matter is an international activist group that fights against police brutality and systemic racism.[83] Black Lives Matter has organized protests against the deaths of African-Americans by police actions and crimes. These include protests against the deaths of Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, Eric Garner, Freddie Gray, and Korryn Gaines. DefinitionWith the rise in popularity of self-proclaimed progressives such as Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, the term began to carry greater cultural currency, particularly in the 2016 Democratic primaries. While answering a question from CNN moderator Anderson Cooper regarding her willingness to shift positions during an October 2015 debate, Hillary Clinton referred to herself as a "progressive who likes to get things done", drawing the ire of a number of Sanders supporters and other critics from her left.[84] Questions about the precise meaning of the term have persisted within the Democratic Party and without since the election of Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, with some candidates using it to indicate their affiliation with the left flank of the party. As such, "progressive" and "progressivism" are essentially contested concepts, with different groups and individuals defining the terms in different (and sometimes contradictory) ways towards different (and sometimes contradictory) ends. Other progressive partiesFollowing the first progressive movement of the early 20th century, two later short-lived parties have also identified as "progressive". Progressive Party, 1924{{Main|Progressive Party (United States, 1924)}}In 1924, Wisconsin Senator Robert La Follette ran for president on the "Progressive party" ticket. La Follette won the support of labor unions, Germans and Socialists by his crusade. He carried only Wisconsin and the party vanished outside Wisconsin.[85] There, it remained a force until the 1940s. Progressive Party, 1948{{Main|Progressive Party (United States, 1948)}}A third party was initiated in 1948 by former Vice President Henry A. Wallace as a vehicle for his campaign for president. He saw the two parties as reactionary and war-mongering, and attracted support from left-wing voters who opposed the Cold War policies that had become a national consensus. Most liberals, New Dealers, and especially the CIO unions, denounced the party because it was increasingly controlled by Communists. It faded away after winning 2% of the vote in 1948.[86] See also{{columns-list|colwidth=30em|
}} References1. ^{{cite web | authorlink = | year = | url =http://www.bartleby.com/65/pr/progrsvsm.html |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20080629030845/http://www.bartleby.com/65/pr/progrsvsm.html |archivedate=2008-06-29| title =Progressivism | work =The Columbia Encyclopedia |edition=Sixth (2001–05) | accessdate =2006-11-18}} 2. ^Zoe Trodd, "Social Progressivism and Religion in America". Oxford Research Encyclopedias: Religion (2017). {{DOI|10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.013.46}} 3. ^Alonzo L. Hamby, "Progressivism: A Century of Change and Rebirth", in Progressivism and the New Democracy, ed. Sidney M. Milkis and Jerome M. Mileur (University of Massachusetts Press, 1999), (p.?) 40 also notes that "a plethora of scholarship in the last half of the 1950s left the old consensus [about progressives] in shreds while producing a plethora of alternative views that defy rational synthesis." 4. ^1 {{cite book|last1=Nugent|first1=Walter|title=Progressivism: A Very Short Introduction|date=2010|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=Oxford|isbn=978-0-19-531106-8|quote=Progressivism emerged as a response to the excesses of the Gilded age ... [Progressives] fought for {{sic|worker's}} compensation, child labor laws, minimum wage and maximum hours legislation; they enacted anti-trust laws, improved living conditions in urban slums, instituted the graduated income tax, won woman the right to vote, and the groundwork for Roosevelt's New Deal.}} 5. ^Link argues that the majority of progressive wanted to purify politics. Link (1954); The "progressives strove to purify politics," concludes Vincent P. De Santis, The shaping of modern America, 1877–1920 (1999) p. 171. In the South, "purification" meant taking the vote away from blacks according to Jimmie Franklin, "Blacks and the Progressive Movement: Emergence of a New Synthesis," Organization of American Historians Jimmie Franklin, Blacks and the Progressive Movement: Emergence of a New Synthesis {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100113041919/http://www.oah.org/pubs/magazine/progressive/franklin.html |date=2010-01-13 }}, Organization of American Historians. 6. ^{{cite journal | jstor=1895006 | title=Progressivism and Imperialism: The Progressive Movement and American Foreign Policy, 1898–1916 | author=Leuchtenburg, William | journal=The Mississippi Valley Historical Review | volume=39 | issue=3 | date=December 1952 | pages=483–85| doi=10.2307/1895006 }} 7. ^{{cite book|author=Alexander Keyssar|title=The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UijIgQP0xF8C|year=2009|publisher=Basic Books, 2nd ed.|pages=103–30|isbn=9780465010141}} 8. ^{{cite book|last=Catherine Cocks|title=Historical Dictionary of the Progressive Era|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pvxD_LjXVRMC&pg=PA112|year=2009|publisher=Scarecrow Press|page=112|display-authors=etal|isbn=9780810862937}} 9. ^David W. Southern, The Progressive Era and Race: Reaction and Reform, 1900–1917 (2005) 10. ^{{cite book|last=Michael Perman|title=Pursuit of Unity: A Political History of the American South|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CamlCytE1IgC&pg=PA174|year=2010|publisher=Univ of North Carolina Press|page=174|isbn=9780807899250}} 11. ^{{cite book|last=Charles P. Henry|title=Ralph Bunche: Model Negro Or American Other?|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MgQrH75yH9wC&pg=PA96|year=1999|publisher=NYU Press|pages=96–98|isbn=9780814735824}} 12. ^{{Citation |chapter=4. Shall the People Rule? |chapter-url=http://content.wisconsinhistory.org/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/tp&CISOPTR=52010&CISOSHOW=51998 |title=La Follette campaign literature |publisher=Wisconsin Historical Society |quote=La Follette has ever sought to give the people greater power over their affairs. He has favored and now favors the direct election of senators ...}} 13. ^Quoted in Sidney M. Milkis and Jerome M. Mileur, "Progressivism and the New Democracy," (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999) 19–20 14. ^Philip J. Ethington, "The Metropolis and Multicultural Ethics: Direct Democracy versus Deliberative Democracy in the Progressive Era," in Progressivism and the New Democracy, ed. Sidney M. Milkis and Jerome M. Mileur (Amherst: Massachusetts University Press, 1999), 193 15. ^Aileen S. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) 16. ^Michael Perman.Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908. (University of North Carolina Press, 2001), pp. 63, 85, 177, 186–87; quotes on pp. 223, 298 17. ^Quoted in Sidney M. Milkis and Jerome M. Mileur, "Progressivism and the New Democracy," (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999) 42 18. ^Joseph L. Tropea, "Rational Capitalism and Municipal Government: The Progressive Era." Social Science History (1989): 137–58 19. ^Michael H. Ebner and Eugene M. Tobin, eds., The Age of Urban Reform, (1977) 20. ^Bradley Robert Rice, Progressive cities: the commission government movement in America, 1901–1920 (1977) 21. ^Martin J. Schiesl, The politics of efficiency: municipal reform in the Progressive Era 1880–1920 (1972) 22. ^Kenneth Fox, Better city government: innovation in American urban politics, 1850–1937 (1977) 23. ^John D. Buenker, ed. Encyclopedia of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era (2005) 24. ^Melvin G. Holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics (1969) 25. ^Eugene C. Murdock, Tom Johnson in Cleveland (1994) 26. ^L. E. Fredman, "Seth Low: Theorist of Municipal Reform," Journal of American Studies 1972 6(1): 19–39 27. ^The Americans: Reconstruction to the 21st Century (Evanston: McDougall Littell, 2006), 308 28. ^{{cite book|author=J. Michael Hogan|title=Rhetoric and reform in the Progressive Era|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4ewMAQAAMAAJ|year=2003|publisher=Michigan State U. Press|isbn=978-0-87013-637-5|page=xv}} 29. ^{{cite book|author=William Thomas Hutchinson|title=Lowden of Illinois: the life of Frank O. Lowden|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0hszAQAAIAAJ|year=1957|publisher=U. of Chicago Press|pages=305 vol 1}} 30. ^{{cite book|last=Smith|first=Kevin B.|title=Governing States and Localities|year=2011|publisher=CQ Press|location=Washington, D.C.|isbn=978-1-60426-728-0|pages=189–90}} 31. ^{{cite book|author=Carlos A. Schwantes|title=The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JImlIbueaXcC&pg=PA347|year=1996|publisher=U of Nebraska Press|pages=347–|isbn=978-0803292284}} 32. ^Ravitch, Diane; Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms; Simon & Schuster 33. ^William J. Reese, Power and the Promise of School Reform: Grassroots Movements during the Progressive Era (1986) 34. ^Kathleen A. Murphey, "Common School or 'One Best System'? Tracking School Reform in Fort Wayne, Indiana, 1853–75" Historical Studies in Education 1999 11(2): 188–211 35. ^{{cite journal |last=Gamson |first=David |title=District Progressivism: Rethinking Reform in Urban School Systems, 1900–1928 |journal=Paedagogica Historica |year=2003 |volume=39 |issue=4 |pages=417–34 |ref=harv |doi=10.1080/00309230307479}} 36. ^The politicians still picked the school janitors. 37. ^Victoria-María MacDonald, "The Paradox of Bureaucratization: New Views on Progressive Era Teachers and the Development of a Woman's Profession," History of Education Quarterly 1999 39(4): 427–53 38. ^Published in Puck (23 January 1889) 39. ^Samuel Gompers. [https://books.google.com/books?id=IuQkHAAACAAJ Labor and antitrust legislation. The facts, theory and argument: a brief and appeal]. Amer. Federation of Labor; 1914. 40. ^{{citation|first=Samuel|last=Gompers|first2=John|last2=McBride|first3= William|last3=Green |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=b4QCAAAAIAAJ |title=The American federationist| publisher=American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations | year=1916}}. p. [https://books.google.com/books?id=b4QCAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA839 839]. 41. ^{{cite web|last=Kolasky|first=William|title=Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft: Marching Toward Armageddon|url=http://www.wilmerhale.com/files/Publication/cd677ad9-b23f-446e-baea-cdcd7d707932/Presentation/PublicationAttachment/a0605093-e43a-41be-bbe7-d07e800d543f/Theodore%20Roosevelt%20and%20William%20Howard%20Taft%20Marching%20Toward%20Armageddon.pdf|work=Antitrust, Vol. 25, No. 2, Spring 2011|publisher=the American Bar Association|accessdate=5 October 2012}} 42. ^Mina Carson, Settlement Folk: Social Thought and the American Settlement Movement, 1885–1930 (1990) 43. ^Judith Ann Trolander, "Hull-House and the Settlement House Movement: A Centennial Reassessment," Journal of Urban History 1991 17(4): 410–20 44. ^{{cite book |last1=Connelly |first1=Mark Thomas |title=The Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era |date=1980 |publisher=The University of South Carolina Press |isbn=978-0-8078-1424-6}} 45. ^Walter I. Trattner, Crusade for the Children: A History of the National Child Labor Committee and Child Labor Reform in America (1970) 46. ^Hugh D. Hindman, Child Labor: An American History (2002). 431 pp. 47. ^Charles Dickens 48. ^Julie Greene, Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Labor and Political Activism, 1881–1917 (1998) 49. ^James H. Timberlake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900–1920 (1970) 50. ^Norman H. Clark, Deliver Us from Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (1976) 51. ^Daniel Okrent, Last Call: The Rise and Fall of Prohibition (2011) [https://www.amazon.com/Last-Call-Rise-Fall-Prohibition/dp/074327704X/ excerpt and text search] 52. ^{{Cite book|title=Retrospectives: Eugenics and Economics in the Progressive Era.|last=Thomas|first=Leonard|publisher=|year=2005|isbn=|location=Journal of Economic Perspectives|pages=19(4): 207–24}} 53. ^{{Cite book|title=The reconstruction of American liberalism, 1865–1914|last=Cohen|first=Nancy|publisher=|year=2002|isbn=|location=|page=243}} 54. ^{{cite web|url=https://journals.ku.edu/index.php/amerstud/article/view/2348/2307 |title=Ross, John R.; Man Over Nature – Origins of the Conservation Movement |publisher=Journals.ku.edu |date= |accessdate=2012-05-14}} 55. ^{{cite web | authorlink = | year = | url =http://www.theodoreroosevelt.org/life/conConf.htm | title =Conservation Commissions and Conferences under the Roosevelt Administration 1901–1909 | website = | publisher =Theodore Roosevelt Association | accessdate =2011-11-19}} 56. ^Buenker and Burnham (2006) 57. ^Lewis Gould, Four hats in the ring: the 1912 election and the birth of modern American Politics (2008) 58. ^Joan Hoff Wilson, Herbert Hoover: Forgotten Progressive (1975) 59. ^Robert Brett Westbrook, John Dewey and American democracy (1991) 60. ^Henry Steele Commager, The American Mind (1952) 61. ^Louis Filler, The Muckrakers (1976) 62. ^Henry Steele Commager, ed., Lester Frank Ward and the Welfare State (1967) 63. ^Buenker and Buenker, eds. Encyclopedia of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. (2005) 64. ^{{cite web|url=http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/eds/detail/detail?vid=7&sid=214030dc-b494-4400-8415-c5a0236e82b5@sessionmgr104&hid=114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU=#AN=99389508&db=bth|title=Trends and Sources of Income Inequality in the United States: Start Your Search!|website=eds.b.ebscohost.com|access-date=2016-11-19}} 65. ^{{cite web|url=http://eml.berkeley.edu//~saez/saez-UStopincomes-2012.pdf|title=Striking it Richer: The Evolution of Top Incomes in the United States|last=Saez|first=Emmanuel|date=September 3, 2013|website=|publisher=|access-date=}} 66. ^{{Cite journal|last=Western|first=Bruce|last2=Rosenfeld|first2=Jake|date=2011-08-01|title=Unions, Norms, and the Rise in U.S. Wage Inequality|url=http://asr.sagepub.com/content/76/4/513|journal=American Sociological Review|language=en|volume=76|issue=4|pages=513–37|doi=10.1177/0003122411414817|issn=0003-1224}} 67. ^{{Cite journal|last=Roser|first=Max|last2=Cuaresma|first2=Jesus Crespo|date=2016-03-01|title=Why is Income Inequality Increasing in the Developed World?|journal=Review of Income and Wealth|language=en|volume=62|issue=1|pages=1–27|doi=10.1111/roiw.12153|issn=1475-4991|url=http://epub.wu.ac.at/4529/1/Roser_Crespo%2DCuaresma_2014_RIW_inequality.pdf}} 68. ^1 {{cite web|url=http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/eds/detail/detail?vid=1&sid=acc95c53-c01b-4106-973b-00985e8b3a82@sessionmgr104&hid=114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU=#AN=edsgcl.445554478&db=edsglr|title=Conservatism and the real problems of income inequality: Start Your Search!|website=eds.b.ebscohost.com|access-date=2016-11-19}} 69. ^{{cite web|url=http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/eds/detail/detail?sid=4208ad40-9b6d-4514-8df2-8a4f38d96226@sessionmgr106&vid=0&hid=114&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU=#db=bth&AN=111526716|title=The Role of Taxes in Mitigating Income Inequality Across the U.S. States: Start Your Search!|website=eds.b.ebscohost.com|access-date=2016-11-19}} 70. ^{{cite web|url=http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=5&sid=88108dc0-09f3-4a5e-8a86-69dcfaace012@sessionmgr4009&hid=4108|title=Fighting for Wall Street Regulation: Who Said It Was Easy?: Start Your Search!|website=eds.a.ebscohost.com|access-date=2016-11-19}} 71. ^{{Cite news|url=https://berniesanders.com/yes-glass-steagall-matters-here-are-5-reasons-why/|title=5 Reasons Glass-Steagall Matters – Bernie Sanders|date=2015-11-16|newspaper=Bernie Sanders|language=en-US|access-date=2016-11-19}} 72. ^{{Cite news|url=https://berniesanders.com/issues/reforming-wall-street/|title=Reforming Wall Street – Bernie Sanders|newspaper=Bernie Sanders|language=en-US|access-date=2016-11-19}} 73. ^{{cite web|url=https://cpc-grijalva.house.gov/health-care-reform/cpc-releases-health-care-principles/|title=Congressional Progressive Caucus : Health Care Reform : CPC Releases Health Care Principles|website=cpc-grijalva.house.gov|access-date=2016-10-27}} 74. ^{{Cite journal|last=Rigby|first=Elizabeth|last2=Clark|first2=Jennifer Hayes|last3=Pelika|first3=Stacey|date=2014-02-01|title=Party Politics and Enactment of "Obamacare": A Policy-Centered Analysis of Minority Party Involvement|journal=Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law|language=en|volume=39|issue=1|pages=57–95|doi=10.1215/03616878-2395181|issn=0361-6878|pmid=24193613}} 75. ^{{Cite news|url=http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/healthcare/246459-sanders-calls-for-single-payer-healthcare|title=Sanders calls for single-payer healthcare|last=Hill|first=Brent Budowsky, columnist, The|date=2015-06-29|newspaper=TheHill|access-date=2016-10-27}} 76. ^{{Cite news|url=http://www.dailycamera.com/news/boulder/ci_30479825/bernie-sanders-boulder-residents-stand-tall-and-vote|title=Bernie Sanders at CU Boulder: 'Stand tall and vote yes on Amendment 69'|access-date=2016-10-27}} 77. ^{{cite web |url=http://results.enr.clarityelections.com/CO/63746/184388/Web01/en/summary.html |title=Colorado Election Results |last=Williams |first=Wayne |date=November 8, 2016 |website=www.sos.state.co.us |publisher=Colorado State Department |accessdate=December 18, 2016}} 78. ^{{Cite news|url=http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/07/23/5-facts-about-the-minimum-wage/|title=5 facts about the minimum wage|date=2015-07-23|newspaper=Pew Research Center|access-date=2016-11-20}} 79. ^{{cite web|url=http://cepr.net/documents/publications/min-wage1-2012-03.pdf|title=The Minimum Wage is Too Damn Low|last=Schmitt|first=John|date=|website=|publisher=|access-date=}} 80. ^{{cite web|url=https://ourrevolution.com/issues/a-living-wage/|title=A Living Wage|website=Our Revolution|language=en-US|access-date=2016-11-20}} 81. ^{{Cite news|url=https://ballotpedia.org/California_%22Fair_Wage_Act_of_2016%22_$15_Minimum_Wage_Initiative_(2016)#Senate_Bill_3|title=California|access-date=2016-11-20}} 82. ^{{cite web|url=http://fightfor15.org/|title=Fight for $15|website=Fight for $15|language=en-US|accessdate=2016-11-20}} 83. ^{{cite web |url=http://blacklivesmatter.com/ |title=Black Lives Matter |website=blacklivesmatter.com/ |archiveurl=https://archive.today/20150205142510/http://blacklivesmatter.com/ |archivedate=2015-02-05 |deadurl=no |accessdate=2017-03-04 |df= }} 84. ^{{cite web|url=http://theweek.com/speedreads/583116/hillary-clinton-flipflop-charge-im-progressive-but-im-progressive-who-likes-things-done|title=Hillary Clinton on flip-flop charge: 'I'm a progressive, but I'm a progressive who likes to get things done'|date=13 October 2015|website=The Week |access-date=12 December 2017}} 85. ^David P. Thelen, Robert M. La Follette and the insurgent spirit (1976) 86. ^{{cite book|author=Thomas W. Devine|title=Henry Wallace's 1948 Presidential Campaign and the Future of Postwar Liberalism|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=a8sbrXAKLB0C&pg=PA195|year=2013|publisher=U North Carolina Press|pages=195–201, 211–12|isbn=9781469602035}} Further readingOverviews{{refbegin|30em}}
National politics{{refbegin|30em}}
External links
4 : Progressivism in the United States|Left-wing politics in the United States|Political history of the United States|Progressive Era in the United States |
| 随便看 |
|
开放百科全书收录14589846条英语、德语、日语等多语种百科知识，基本涵盖了大多数领域的百科知识，是一部内容自由、开放的电子版国际百科全书。