“José Luis Zamanillo González-Camino”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

José Luis Zamanillo González-Camino (1903 – 1980) was a Spanish Traditionalist politician. He is best recognized as leader of Carlist paramilitary Requeté structures during the Republic and as champion of Carlist collaborationist policy during mid-Francoism, though in the 1940s he maintained a firm anti-regime stand. He is also known as representative of the post-Francoist hard core in the course of early transition to parliamentary democracy.

Family and youth

José Luis' paternal ancestors originated from Biscay; the great-grandfather was a pharmacist.^[1] His son Gregorio Zamanillo del Campo also ran a pharmacy, first in the Biscay Carrantza^[2] and later in the Cantabrian Laredo.^[3] Politically he sympathized with Carlism, though after the 1888 Integrist breakup he followed the secessionists.^[4] Gregorio was married twice;^[5] José Luis' father, José Zamanillo Monreal (1866-1920),^[6] was born out of the second marriage. He also became a pharmacist and owned a business in Santander; like his predecessor, he also developed Integrist sympathies. At the turn of the centuries he emerged as a recognized local Traditionalist activist; he co-organized Centro Católico Montañés, the Integrist outpost in Cantabria, co-founded urban and rural Catholic trade unions,^[7] and became president of La Propaganda Católica de Santander, a publishing house issuing El Diario Montañés, a militantly anti-liberal daily affiliated with the Santander bishopry.^[8] President of the Integrist Junta Provincial^[9] and member of the regional Castilla La Vieja executive,^[10] in 1909-11 he served as concejal in the Santander ayuntamiento and in 1915 briefly as diputado provincial.^[11]

Zamanillo Monreal married María González-Camino y Velasco,^[12] descendant to a bourgeoisie family originating from Esles de Cayón. It was founded by an enriched indiano, Francisco González-Camino, and has traditionally remained in the first row of business, politics and culture in the region, holding stakes in companies from banking, insurance, industry, railways, electrify, utilities and other businesses.^[13] José and María settled in Santander and had 6 children;^[14] they were brought up "en un hogar español cristiano y montañes", learning "to prey to God and to love Spain"^[15] and with a sense of local Cantabrian pride.^[16] José Luis was born as the second oldest son.^[17] His older brother Nicolás followed in the footsteps of 3 generations and also became a pharmacist,^[18] his younger brother Gregorio became a physician.^[19] Two of his sisters tried their hand in letters, Matilde^[20] more successful than María;^[21] all were active in Traditionalism.^[22]

Little is known about education of José Luis; at one point he left family home to join the Jesuit college of the Biscay Orduña, where he obtained bachillerato.^[23] Then he commenced law studies and one source claims he graduated at Deusto;^[24] date of his graduation is not known, normally it would have fallen on the mid-1920s. He commenced law career in his native Santander; details are not clear, except that in 1930 he already practiced on his own handling civil cases^[25] and in 1931 was referred to as "joven abogado".^[26] In 1931^[27] José Luis married Luisa Urquiza y Castillo (1905-2002);^[28] none of the sources consulted provides any information on her family. The couple settled in Santander and had 12 children; 2 of them died in infancy.^[29] None of them grew to prominence, though it is known that at least some were active Traditionalists in their youth.^[30] The best-known relative of José Luis is his older cousin, Marcial Solana González-Camino; an Integrist Cortes deputy in 1916, he made his name in the 1920s and 1930s as Traditionalist philosopher and author.^[31]

Cortes deputy and paramilitary leader (1931-1936)

José Luis engaged in unspecified Integrist activity already during last years of the monarchy.^[32] When in late 1931 the party commenced re-integration into Carlism, the three Zamanillo brothers followed suit^[33] and joined the united Comunión Tradicionalista.^[34] It seems that José Luis remained in the shadow of Nicolás, who led Juventud Integrista,^[35] was noted as public speaker in 1932^[36] and grew to head of Juventud Tradicionalista in Santander.^[37] During the run-up to the 1933 elections it seemed that Nicolás would emerge at the forefront,^[38] but in unclear circumstances it turned out that José Luis represented the Carlists on the joint Santander list of Unión de Derechas Agrarias.^[39] He was comfortably elected^[40] and somewhat unexpectedly he emerged among 20-odd Carlist deputies, most distinguished figures of the Comunión, and one of the few representing a new generation.^[41] Zamanillo's rise was so startling that to acknowledge it, editors celebrating 100 years of Carlism^[42] had to hastily amend their publications.^[43]

Zamanillo remained moderately active as a deputy. He joined Comisión de Comunicaciones^[44] and formed a group advancing the interests of Cantabrian fishermen,^[45] later growing to head of its Junta Directiva.^[46] During general sessions he was noted as following the overall Carlist strategy, highly suspicious towards the CEDA-Radical governments,^[47] at times taking part in parliamentary obstruction^[48] and rather occasionally making it to the headlines of the Carlist press.^[49] It was not Cortes activity which gained him recognition in the party. Following a general overhaul of Comunión command layer in 1934 the former Integrists gained a strong position and their man Manuel Fal Conde rose to Jéfe Delegado. It was Fal who in May 1934 appointed Zamanillo head of Special Delegation for the Requeté,^[50] section of the party executive co-ordinating growth of the Carlist paramilitary.^[51] With neither military training nor combat experience, Zamanillo was entrusted with general organization, financing, logistics, recruitment, personal policy and overall guidance.^[52] His key objective was to re-format^[53] requeté into a nationwide Frente Nacional de Boinas Rojas,^[54] the task successfully carried out in course of 1935.^[55] Himself involved in logistics,^[56] he was however focused on recruitment,^[57] with the overall Requeté strength growing from 4,000 in late 1934^[58] to 25,000 in mid-1936.^[59]

Politically Zamanillo remained among the Carlist hawks; though he signed the Bloque Nacional funding act,^[60] in 1935 he developed enmity towards the monarchist alliance advanced by the likes of Rodezno and Pradera.^[61] On the other hand, he remained on excellent terms with the Cantabrian Falange and its leader Manuel Hedilla.^[62] The policy backfired when in 1936 the Carlists were left out of the local Cantabrian Candidatura Contrarrevolucionaria;^[63] standing on their own^[64] they fared badly and Zamanillo lost his Cortes ticket with just 12,000 votes gathered.^[65] He could have focused on buildup of requete structures, considered its "protagonista fundamental";^[66] he was touring the country, delivering addresses,^[67] attending meetings^[68] and mobilizing support.^[69] At that time initially defensive Requeté format was rapidly being re-defined to embrace a new, insurgent strategy.^[70]

Conspirator and insurgent (1936)

In March 1936 Zamanillo entered a Carlist body^[71] co-ordinating preparations to a rising^[72] and based in Sant-Jean-de-Luz.^[73] He was among key architects^[74] of a so-called "Plan de los Tres Frentes",^[75] a project of toppling the Republic by means of an exclusively Carlist coup;^[76] it crashed in early June when security unearthed a depot with hundreds of false Guardia Civil uniforms.^[77] Preparations were re-formatted as negotiations with the military conspiracy. Since 1935 engaged in noncommittal talks with UME^[78] he took part in key debates of early summer,^[79] meeting general Mola on June 11^[80] and July 2.^[81] In conspiracy using the alias of "Sanjuan",^[82] Zamanillo was cruising between Sant-Jean-de-Luz, his temporary headquarters of Elizondo,^[83] Irun^[84] and Estella. He adhered to the line advocated by Fal, who demanded that political deal is concluded first and who opposed unconditional access to military coup.^[85] Details are not entirely clear;^[86] at one point it seemed that negotiations with increasingly desperate Mola^[87] have crashed,^[88] but eventually the Navarrese outmaneuvered Fal and closed an ambiguous deal. On July 15 Zamanillo ordered requeté mobilization^[89] and 2 days later^[90] he issued the order to rise.^[91]

As the hostilities broke out Zamanillo was flown together with Fal from southern France to the Nationalist zone.^[92] In August 1936^[93] he entered Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, the new wartime executive Carlist structure;^[94] he co-headed^[95] Delegación Nacional de Requeté, a sub-unit of Sección Militar, with his duties related to recruitment, personal appointments^[96] and general administration.^[97] In September he toured the frontlines,^[98] hailing common Carlist-Falangist comradeship,^[99] lambasting CEDA^[100] and somewhat belittling the military.^[101] Congratulated by his king Alfonso Carlos,^[102] following his death in October he travelled to Vienna to attend the funeral.^[103] Having hardly noticed the ascent of Franco he rather saluted Don Javier as a new caudillo^[104] and had problems^[105] coming to terms with the vision of perhaps necessary,^[106] transitional military dictatorship before a Traditionalist monarchy gets reinstated.^[107]

In late 1936 Zamanillo kept co-ordinating requeté recruitment and organization, voicing strongly in favor of independence and regional basis^[109] of the Carlist units.^[110] Informal talks with the military produced an idea of organizing systematic training for Carlist would-be officers,^[111] the concept which materialized as Real Academia Militar de Requetés, announced by Fal to be set up shortly. As it was initially to be based in Pamplona, Zamanillo contacted the Navarrese Carlists in an apparent bid to offer an olive branch and address increasingly sour relations between their Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra and the Burgos-based Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra.^[112] On December 20 he accompanied Fal in his journey from Toledo to Franco's Salamanca headquarters but was left in antechamber^[113] when Dávila presented Fal with an alternative of either exile or the firing squad.^[114] Later the same day he took part in an improvised session of Junta Nacional, discussing the ultimatum from the military; Zamanillo's stand is not clear, before later the same day he returned with Fal to Toledo.^[115]

Dissenting Nationalist (1937-1939)

While Fal complied with the military ultimatum and left the Nationalist zone for Portugal, within the Carlist command Zamanillo formed the faction of his most staunch supporters. Already in early January 1937 he met Dávila in vain seeking to ensure Fal's return,^[116] yet at the time the lot of Jefe Delegado was getting gradually eclipsed by rumors of amalgamating Carlism into sort of a new state party. Zamanillo took part in the February session of Carlist heavyweights in the Portuguese Insua,^[117] which confirmed him as member of the strict 7-member executive.^[118] During the following session, held in March in Burgos, he and Valiente acted as chief Falcondistas and displayed most skepticism about would-be unification, confirming that attacks against Comunión hierarchy were unacceptable;^[119] nevertheless, the junta vaguely and unanimously agreed that political unity was a must.^[120] The same month he denounced political maneuvering^[121] and presented the military with Don Javier's letter advocating the return of Fal;^[122] though Zamanillo remained on amicable terms with Mola,^[123] he was viewed increasingly unfavorably in Franco's entourage.^[124] In the final meeting of Carlist executive in Burgos of early April 1937 he assumed a hard line, protesting alien intervention in Carlist affairs.^[125]

In the aftermath of Unification Decree, on April 19 enraged Zamanillo resigned from all functions;^[126] he was so disgusted with apparent bewilderment among the Carlist executive that he concluded that Fal's exile worked to his advantage, allowing Jefe Delegado to maintain an honorable position.^[127] A number of sources claim that embittered, Zamanillo enlisted to combat requeté units,^[128] though none provides any details of his service. He might have enlisted to Tercio de Navarra^[129] or Tercio de Palencia,^[130] where his brothers served, though scarce information does not allow to tell which Zamanillo was meant in the reports.^[131] In May 1937 he was still noted in Pamplona, when dodging unification process he was issuing antedated requeté promotions.^[132] Also later Zamanillo kept sabotaging unification; in November 1937 and still in Pamplona he assisted Carlist volunteers who deserted from Falange-dominated units and re-directed them to newly formed Navarrese tercios.^[133]

Once Cantabria had been taken over by the Nationalists some young local Carlists started to form anti-unification resistance groups. The dissenters, dubbed "Tercio José Luis Zamanillo", were eventually prosecuted; it is not clear to what extent Zamanillo was involved^[134] and whether he held any posts in the new Nationalist administration of Santander.^[135] There is almost no information on Zamanillo's whereabouts during 1938, except minor pieces related to occasional Carlist feasts.^[136] In early 1939, shortly before the end of the war, he co-signed a document named Manifestacion de los Ideales Tradicionalistas, a memorandum of key Carlist politicians; delivered to Franco, it contained a lengthy discourse arguing that once the war was about to end, it was time to introduce the Traditionalist monarchy.^[137] The document was left with no response.

Carlist against Francoism (1940-1954)

In the early 1940s Zamanillo formed the core of Falcondistas, acting as watchdogs of the Carlist orthodoxy. Fal, partially incommunicado,^[138] considered him, Senante and Lamamié "el triunvirato de los feroces integristas tachados de intemprantes"^[139] and indeed as Fal's trustee he carried out appointments in Navarre, always keen to pursue their own policy.^[140] He made sure that Comunión remained neutral towards the European war,^[141] that claims of the new Alfonsist claimant Don Juan were rejected^[142] with pro-Juanista sympathies eradicated^[143] and that there was no political collaboration with the regime. In a 1941 document he castigated Francoism as totalitarian system rejected by the society.^[144] Touring the country from Seville^[145] to Barcelona^[146] Zamanillo delivered addresses at meetings styled as Christian or ex-combatant feasts. In 1943 he co-signed Reclamacion del poder, Carlist memorandum demanding introduction of Traditionalist monarchy;^[147] in May he was detained,^[148] spent a week in police dungeons^[149] and was ordered exile in Albacete,^[150] terminated in April 1944.^[151] Still head of Requeté structures he tried to prevent their disintegration.^[152] In 1945 he was among those behind Pamplona riots; detained and trialed in early 1946,^[153] Zamanillo was the only member of Carlist executive sentenced to unconditional incarceration.^[154]

By May 1946 Zamanillo was free again, speaking at the predominantly Carlist Montserrat feast.^[155] He used to attend the gathering systematically, present also in 1947,^[156] though in the late 1940s his relations with Sivatte, chief personality of Catalan Carlism, deteriorated; Zamanillo's calls for discipline were largely aimed against the Sivattistas.^[157] Confirmed as member of Consejo Nacional^[158] and attending the first gathering or regional leaders since Insua he was bent on preserving Traditionalist identity against Francoist distortions and called for setting up Centro de Estudios Doctrinales.^[159] An awkward sign of recognition came in wake of his 1948 trip to Rome,^[160] when the émigré PSUC periodical noted him among "dirigents del [Carlist] movimient" whose dissidence demonstrated ongoing decomposition of Francoism.^[161]

It is neither clear where Zamanillo lived in the late 1940s and early 1950s nor how he made a living; sporadically he was mentioned as related either to Santander^[162] or to Madrid,^[163] in both cases connected to the education system.^[164] Most likely he kept practicing as a lawyer, as demonstrated by proceedings related both to minors and to politics: in 1953 he was involved in machinations to ensure that former wife of another Carlist claimant, the late Carlos VIII, would not get legal custody of their juvenile daughters. As the action was allegedly triggered by Franco himself,^[165] the episode might be indicative of Zamanillo's improving relations with the regime. On the Carlist front he remained loyal to Fal and kept fighting the increasingly vocal Sivattistas;^[166] none of the sources consulted clarifies whether he joined those pressing Don Javier to terminate the regency and to claim monarchic rights himself, what sort of happened in Barcelona in 1952;^[167] it was only much later that he declared it a grave error.^[168] In 1954 he was confirmed as member of largely inactive Junta Nacional and its day-to-day executive, a Permanent Commission.^[169]

Carlist in collaboration (1955-1962)

When Fal Conde resigned in August 1955 Zamanillo was still member of Junta Nacional^[170] and one of the party moguls. Don Javier did not nominate a new Jefe Delegado, creating a new collegial executive, Secretaría Nacional; according to some scholars Zamanillo initially was not appointed^[171] and got recommended by Fal slightly afterwards,^[172] according to others he formed part from the onset.^[173] At that time those advocating more intransigence competed with those advocating more flexibility. It is not clear where Zamanillo stood; for 20 years the right hand of adamant Fal,^[174] only some time later he emerged as supporter of the collaborative strategy, championed by Valiente. Within Carlism the anti-Francoist feelings were running high,^[175] with especially the Navarros and the Gipuzkoanos trying to sabotage his nomination;^[176] during the 1956 Montejurra gathering they tried to block his access to the microphone, and when he finally succeeded, they cut the cables.^[177] However, the collaborationists and Zamanillo consolidated their position; backed by the claimant,^[178] who conferred Carlist honors upon him,^[179] he was handling the link to Movimiento,^[180] a tricky task as the Carlist rank and file booed and jeered whenever the name of the Francoist state party was mentioned.^[181] Together with Valiente and Saenz-Díez he soon emerged as member of a new triumvirate running the party.^[182]

The new strategy seemed to work and in 1957 Zamanillo was rumored to land a ministerial job^[183] or a high position in Movimiento,^[184] the perspective which faded away once Arrese had been replaced with Solis.^[185] Undeterred, he kept advocating flexibility towards the regime as the best way to confront Juanistas, who should be beaten not "en los montes sino desde los cargos oficiales".^[186] In 1958^[187] he was nominated secretario general, a new position reporting only to Valiente,^[188] and the same year got double-hatted as regional jefe of Castilla la Vieja.^[189] He cautiously endorsed introduction of the Carlist prince Carlos Hugo^[190] and taking advantage of his links with the regime officials intervened to spare him trouble, be it after the 1958 Montejurra,^[191] before the 1960 Montejurra,^[192] securing his residence permit in Madrid in 1960^[193] and 1961^[194] or launching the bid for Spanish citizenship for the Borbon-Parmas.^[195]

At the turn of the decades Zamanillo's position in Carlism reached its climax. Though Valiente was officially nominated new Jefe Delegado, due to his requeté past Zamanillo enjoyed more prestige;^[196] he handed over the post of requeté leader as late as 1960.^[197] Within the party he was entrusted with disciplinary missions.^[198] When addressing gatherings at Montserrat^[199] and Montejurra^[200] he could have afforded to ignore suggestions of Movimiento^[201] and Carlist^[202] leaders alike. During aplecs advocating "religious unity consubstantial with national unity",^[203] since 1959 he organized "marchas al Valle de los Caídos", an initiative providing opportunity to fraternize with the Falangists^[204] and himself frequently wined and dined with the Movimiento officials,^[205] even though he was suspicious about genuine intentions of the regime.^[206] In 1961 Zamanillo was nominated to Consejo Nacional,^[207] which guaranteed seat in the Cortes,^[208] and in 1962 he was admitted by Franco.^[209]

Breakup (1962-1963)

Zamanillo's interventions facilitating Carlos Hugo's entry proved successful^[210] and in January 1962 the young prince settled in Madrid. He turned a group of his young entourage into Secretaría Privada,^[211] which in turn embarked on a number of new initiatives. Zamanillo viewed them as part of the collaborationist strategy and supported; in 1960 Semana Nacional de Estudios of AET in Valle de los Caidós he spoke about a possibilist evolution of the doctrine^[212] and engaged in Círculos Vázquez de Mella.^[213] The sympathy, however, was not reciprocal. Unlike the older generation, for whom Zamanillo was an icon of requeté, Carlos Hugo and his aides, led by Ramón Massó, were far more skeptical.^[214] They considered him an old-type man of the past,^[215] valiant but with scarce political intuition^[216] and tending to inactivity.^[217] Once the Hugocarlistas gained formal outposts and launched own initiatives, friendly but loose early relations were getting thorny.^[218] Initially it looked like a generational conflict,^[219] not helped by Zamanillo's unshakable sense of own authority.^[220] He was getting uneasy about what was becoming known as "camarilla" of the prince,^[221] the youth were skeptical about his power-hungry "requeté cohort".^[222]

In few weeks suspicion turned into a full-scale conflict, especially that upon closer contact Zamanillo developed doubts about Traditionalist orthodoxy of the Hugocarlistas.^[223] They also identified him as a chief obstacle in their path to power and got determined to remove it.^[224] Conscious of royal support they did not step back and provoked Zamanillo to resign from his post in the executive;^[225] he intended the move as a mere demonstration of protest.^[226] With his resignation awaiting royal decision, in the spring of 1962 he opposed structural changes proposed by Hugocarlistas^[227] and spoke out against "delfinismo",^[228] which puts "sons against fathers".^[229] At the same time he launched Hermandad de Antiguos Combatientes de Tercios de Requeté, an organization supposed to help in the imminent clash for power,^[230] and openly confronted new advancements of Carlos Hugo.^[231] The conflict materialized over few other issues^[232] yet did not seem unbridgeable^[233] until in September 1962 his resignation – to Zamanillo's shock and amazement^[234] and against the advice of Valiente^[235] – was accepted.^[236]

Since the fall of 1962 Zamanillo developed a furious anti-Hugocarlista activity;^[237] it culminated in a letter,^[238] denouncing Carlos Hugo as ignorant^[239] and subversive revolutionary.^[240] In 1963 Massó and his men prepared ground for final confrontation, marginalizing Zamanillo's supporters,^[241] floating rumors about his treason^[242] and mobilizing support of iconic personalities.^[243] Zamanillo played into their hands resigning from further functions,^[244] also in Hermandad.^[245] The climax came in June 1963, when on a party council the Hugocarlistas launched an all-out attack advancing a number of charges.^[246] In November Secretaría demanded that Zamanillo be expulsed; Don Javier had few doubts^[247] and Zamanillo was purged by the year-end.^[248] Hugocarlista strategy worked perfectly; disguising their progressive agenda they deflected the conflict from ideological confrontation to secondary issues, isolated their opponent,^[249] provoked him into unguarded moves, and removed the key person^[250] bent on preventing their intended control of Carlism.^[251]

Francoist (1964-1974)

In the early 1960s Zamanillo was already considered icon of collaborationism, as evidenced by his 1961 nomination to its Consejo Nacional.^[252] In 1962 Franco thought him a candidate for vice-minister of justice, nomination thwarted by Carrero Blanco, who denounced him – either erroneously or as part of own stratagem – as supporter of Carlos Hugo.^[253] Following expulsion from Carlism Zamanillo was welcome among the Movimiento hardliners. In 1964 he was awarded Gran Cruz del Mérito Civil,^[254] a visible sign of excellent relations with the regime. His nomination to Consejo was renewed in 1964,^[255] to be prolonged in 1967^[256] and 1971;^[257] as consejero he had seat in the Cortes guaranteed.

Within the Francoist structures Zamanillo entered important though not front-row bodies. In 1964 he became secretary of Comisión de Ordenación Institucional, entrusted with working out a new recipe for Falangism;^[258] in 1967 he was secretary to its later incarnation, the section of "Principios fundamentales y desarollo político".^[259] In the Cortes he worked in commission drafting Ley Orgánica del Movimiento,^[260] an eventually abandoned attempt to ensure Falangist domination.^[261] In 1967 he grew to one of 4 secretarios of the diet,^[262] the function renewed also in 1971,^[263] and represented Spain in international inter-parliamentary bodies.^[264] In 1970 Zamanillo's status was acknowledged with Gran Cruz de la Orden del Mérito Militár.^[265] In terms of officialdom his position climaxed in 1972, when Zamanillo entered Consejo de Estado.^[266]

In terms of impact on real-life politics Zamanillo found himself increasingly marginalized; he sided with the Falangist core, which during the 1960s was outmaneuvered by the technocratic bureaucracy. Though speaking with Franco "many times" and allegedly conceded to be right, he failed to influence the caudillo^[267] who allowed political changes that Zamanillo opposed, like liberalization of the labor law or the press law;^[268] the project which drew his particular enmity was the 1967 Law on Religious Liberties.^[269] On the other hand, he supported the 1966 introduction of Tercio Familiar as a step towards Traditionalist type of representation;^[270] claiming that backbone of Traditionalism was doctrinal rather than dynastical^[271] in 1969 he voted in favor of Juan Carlos as the future king.^[272] In late 1973 Zamanillo participated in one of the last hardline attempts to seize control, Comisión Mixta Gobierno-Consejo Nacional, dissolved soon afterwards by Carrero Blanco.^[273]

Labeled "falso carlista" by Don Javier,^[274] Zamanillo kept considering himself a Carlist.^[275] He kept leading Hermandad of ex-combatants, periodically purging it off the most vocal Javieristas;^[276] at the turn of the decades he considered it a would-be platform to launch a new Carlist organization, a "Comunión without a king".^[277] The organization finally animated to this end^[278] was already existing^[279] Hermandad de Maestrazgo;^[280] Zamanillo presided^[281] over its Patronat Nacional in 1972^[282] and in 1973 entered its collegial presidency.^[283] With Valiente and Ramón Forcadell considered a triumvirate running the group,^[284] he emphasized Falangist and Traditionalist commonality in the service of Spain and Franco.^[285] The organization failed to attract popular support and did not become a genuine Carlist counterweight to the newly emergent Partido Carlista.^[286]

Post-Francoist Traditionalist (1975-1980)

During the final years of Francoism Zamanillo engaged in launch of a broad Traditionalist organization.^[287] Following the so-called Ley Arias of December 1974, which legalized political associations, he first tried to mobilize support by means of a new periodical, Brújula,^[288] gathering together "partidarios de la Monarquía tradicional, social y representativa".^[289] In June^[290] 1975 the initiative materialized with 25,000 signatures required^[291] as Unión Nacional Española; Zamanillo entered its Comisión Permanente^[292] and in early 1976 jointly with Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora^[293] its presidency,^[294] becoming also member of Junta Directiva.^[295] The association, in 1976 officially registered as political party, adhered to Traditionalist principles;^[296] Zamanillo explained its objectives as "lo que hay que hacer es un 18 de julio pacífico y político",^[297] played down differences with other right-wing groupings^[298] and advanced suggestions of a National Front,^[299] formed by UNE, ANEPA, UDPE and others.^[300] In May 1976 he co-organized Traditionalist attempt to dominate the annual Carlist Montejurra gathering, since mid-1960s controlled by the Hugocarlistas; the day produced violence, with two Partido Carlista militants shot.^[301]

Still member of the Cortes, when forming factions had been allowed Zamanillo joined Acción Institucional, the closest one to the hardline búnker.^[302] Having noticed with some surprise in May 1976 that "heritage of July 18 is no longer protected by state",^[303] in the diet he did his best first to obstruct works on a new law on political parties^[304] voting against its final version,^[305] and to water-down the draft on Ley Para la Reforma Política;^[306] in November 1976 he was among those who refused to commit "political suicide of the Francoist Cortes" and cast a "no" ballot during the plenary session;^[307] indeed he was already speaking openly about a suicidal governmental policy.^[308]

In gear-up to the elections in late 1976 UNE joined the Alianza Popular coalition^[309] and Zamanillo signed its founding manifesto.^[310] In parallel, apparently somewhat skeptical about the UNE format and definitely disillusioned about Juan Carlos, in February 1977 he co-founded a strictly Carlist organization, Comunión Tradicionalista, and entered its executive;^[311] dynastic leader of the party turned out to be Sixto, Traditionalist younger brother of Carlos Hugo.^[312] In the June 1977 elections Zamanillo ran for the senate on the UNE/AP list from Santander, but suffered heavy defeat.^[313] UNE was getting increasingly divided about the general strategy; its November 1977 General Assembly turned into a mayhem. Zamanillo and his supporters demanded leaving AP;^[314] in the ensuing chaos, they staged a parallel session and elected a new party executive.^[315] The opposing faction of Fernández de la Mora appealed in court and won;^[316] in December 1977 Zamanillo was expulsed from UNE.^[317] He then focused on Comunión, which prior to 1979 elections joined the Unión Nacional alliance; this time Zamanillo did not run.

See also

Footnotes

1. ^Julián Sanz Hoya, De la resistencia a la reacción: las derechas frente a la Segunda República (Cantabria, 1931-1936), Santander 2006, {{ISBN|9788481024203}}, p. 139
2. ^Zamanillo entry, [in:] Euskelnet service, available here
3. ^La Discussión 06.03.66, available here
4. ^El Siglo Futuro 25.04.83, available here
5. ^first with Ramona Rada Ribas and than with Joaquina Monreal y Rivas, Zamanillo entry, [in:] Euskelnet service
6. ^Zamanillo Monreal, José entry, [in:] EscritoresCantabricos service, available here; see also his obituary in El Siglo Futuro 09.06.21, available here
7. ^the urban one was Círculo Obrero de San José, the rural one was Sindicatos Agrícolas Montañeses, Zamanillo Monreal, José entry, [in:] EscritoresCantabricos service
8. ^Zamanillo Monreal, José entry, [in:] EscritoresCantabricos service
9. ^in 1918, El Siglo Futuro 20.04.18, available here
10. ^in 1906, El Siglo Futuro 27.08.06, available here
11. ^Zamanillo Monreal, José entry, [in:] EscritoresCantabricos service
12. ^Zamanillo y González-Camino, Matilde entry, [in:] EscritoresCantabricos service, available here. Her father was Nicolas Gonález-Camino y García de la Concha (1819-1894), her mother was María Conepción de Velasco y Villanueva, José Zamanillo y Monreal + María González Camino y Velasco entry, [in:] Enredo service, available here
13. ^the companies they held stakes in were Nueva Montaña, Banco Mercantil, Nueva Argentifera, Santanderina de Navegación, Abastecedora de Aguas de Santander, Electra de Besaya, Compañia de Vapores Esles, Seguros La Alianza, Minas de Heras and Ferrocariles del Cantábrico y Santander-Ontaneda, Aurora Garrido, Favor e indiferencia. Caciquismo y vida política en Cantabria, Santander 1998, {{ISBN|9788481021943}}, pp. 374-375, Consuelo Soldevilla Oria, Cantabria y América, Madrid 1992, {{ISBN|8471003929}}, pp. 265-266
14. ^José Zamanillo y Monreal + María González Camino y Velasco entry, [in:] Enredo service
15. ^Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, {{ISBN|9788431315641}}, p. 139
16. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 162
17. ^José Zamanillo y Monreal + María González Camino y Velasco entry, [in:] Enredo service
18. ^El Siglo Futuro 25.03.25, available here
19. ^Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, {{ISBN|9788499709758}}, p. 636
20. ^Matilde was a poet who published a number of volumes: Huellas en el tiempo, Diafanidad, Símbolos y figuras de nuestra historia, Ya tocan a Navidad, Laudes marianas, Así es España, Tríptico de sonetos and Frutos de soledad, Zamanillo y González-Camino, Matilde entry, [in:] EscritoresCantabricos service
21. ^there is only one work identified, Maria Zamanillo, Mella, Guíon de España. Pensamientos escogidos de sus obras completas, San Sebastian 1939
22. ^brothers as requeté volunteers and sisters as propagandists, Sanz Hoya 2006, p. 139
23. ^Eduardo Casariego (ed.), El tradicionalismo español. Su história, su ideario, sus hombres, San Sebastián 1934 [unnumbered page between pages 88 and 89]
24. ^ABC 27.09.75, available here
25. ^Boletín Oficial de Provincia de Santander 23.05.30, available here
26. ^Julián Sanz Hoya, La construcción de la dictadura franquista en Cantabria: Instituciones, personal político y apoyos sociales (1937-1951), Santander 2009, {{ISBN|9788481024869}}, p. 84
27. ^El Siglo Futuro 15.06. 31, available here
28. ^ABC 22.10.02, available here
29. ^compare the obituaries in ABC 23.12.80, available here and in ABC 22.10.02, available here
30. ^Sanz Hoya 2009, p. 87
31. ^compare Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Una vida en la tradición, Santander 2015, {{ISBN|9788493867164}}
32. ^El Siglo Futuro 28.05.30, available here; at the same time he underwent an apendicitis surgery, El Siglo Futuro 26.05.30, available here
33. ^El Siglo Futuro 08.09.31, available here
34. ^Eduardo González Calleja, Contrarrevolucionarios: radicalización violenta de las derechas durante la Segunda República, 1931 – 1936, Madrid 2011, {{ISBN|9788420664552}}, p. 199
35. ^El Siglo Futuro 25.03.25, available here
36. ^El Siglo Futuro 18.07.32, available here
37. ^El Siglo Futuro 27.06.32, available here
38. ^El Siglo Futuro 20.09.33, available here
39. ^Sanz Hoya 2009, p. 81
40. ^see Zamanillo's 1931 data on the official Cortes service, available here
41. ^Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, {{ISBN|9780521086349}}, p. 123
42. ^Nicolas is mentioned as contributing to a luxury album to be issued on the centenary of Carlism in 1933 while there is no say about José Luis, El Siglo Futuro 01.11.33, available here
43. ^compare Eduardo Casariego (ed.), El tradicionalismo español. Su história, su ideario, sus hombres, San Sebastián 1934; the page featuring Zamanillo looks like a hastily prepared last-minute insert between pages 88 and 89
44. ^Ahora 12.01.34, available here
45. ^Ahora 09.02.34, available here
46. ^Vida Maritima 15/28.02.34, available here
47. ^Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 201-202
48. ^La Nación 28.06.34, available here
49. ^El Siglo Futuro 02.07.34, available here
50. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 207, González Calleja 2011, p. 199
51. ^Ana Marín Fidaldo, Manuel M. Burgueño, In memoriam. Manuel J. Fal Conde (1894-1975), Sevilla 1980, p. 37
52. ^Antonio Lizarza, Memoria de la conspiración, [in:] Navarra fue la primera 1936-1939, Pamplona 2006, {{ISBN|8493508187}}, pp. 56-60. Strictly military issues were handled by colonel Ricardo Rada and a number of other, mostly retired army officers, like Muslera, Varela, Lizarza, Utrilla, Redondo, Barrau, Arredondo, Ansaldo, Villanova, Velearde, Telleria, Baselga, Cuerda, Tarduchy, Ruíz de Ojeda or Sanjurjo (junior). Major shakup of requeté organisation was co-ordinated by the military and Zamanillo is not credited for it, see González Calleja 2011, p. 371
53. ^Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, {{ISBN|9788499709970}}, pp. 81-82
54. ^technical objective of reorganisation to Frente Nacional was to detach Requeté cells from local Carlist circulos and create a separate nationwide structure. The military aim was to inject more homogeneity, gain critical mass, enable planning above the tactical level and reinforce steerability. The political aim was to lessen the Carlist dependence on Navarre and enhance the position of national leadership
55. ^Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 220-221
56. ^on one occasion he crossed the French-Spanish frontier with a load of 400 pistols, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 223
57. ^none of the sources mentions Zamanillo against the background of sending a some Carlist paramilitary to Italy for training in the summer of 1934, see e.g. Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, {{ISBN|9788478260805}}, p. 198, González Calleja 2011, p. 198
58. ^González Calleja 2011, p. 193
59. ^González Calleja 2011, p. 373. Geographical distribution of the requeté was very uneven. Most of them were in Navarra (6 thousand), Catalonia (4), Castellón (3.7), Valencia (2.1) Alava (1.5) Biscay (1.5) and Gipuzkoa (1.0), Eduardo González Calleja, Julio Aróstegui, La tradición recuperada: el Requeté Carlista y la insurrección, [in:] Historia Contemporanea 11 (1994), p. 50, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 210. There is also a theory which charges Blinkhorn, Gonzalez Calleja and Aróstegui with accepting Carlist post-war myths as to numerosity and strength of these units and claims that the Carlist paramilitary was of marginal importance, see Roberto Muñoz Bolanos, El primer intento de "gran coalición": el proyecto de sublevación carlista (marzo/mayo de 1936), [in:] Damián A, González, Manuel Ortiz Heras, Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón (eds.), La Historia, lost in translation?, Albacete 2016, {{ISBN|9788490442654}}, p. 1650
60. ^Maximiliano Garcia Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, p. 72
61. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 281
62. ^Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 181-182, 235
63. ^Sanz Hoya 2009, p. 68
64. ^Sanz Hoya 2009, p. 98
65. ^according to his later account, Zamanillo and his supporters "sabíamos que no había ninguna posibilidad de obtener actas", Garcia Venero 1970, p. 32. He obtained good results only in few locations, like Campo de Suso, Escalante, Molledo, Santiurde de Reinosa or Solórzano, Enrique Menendez Criado, Evolución de los principales conflictos y violencia en la Cantabria del Frente Popular, [in:] Damián A, González Madrid, Manuel Ortiz Heras, Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón (eds.), La Historia, lost in translation?, Albacete 2016, {{ISBN|9788490442654}}, p 1640
66. ^Roberto Muñoz Bolaños, "Por Dios, por la Patria y el Rey marchemos sobre Madrid": el intento de sublevación carlista en la primavera de 1936, [in:] Daniel Macías Fernández, Fernando Puell de la Villa (eds.), David contra Goliat. Guerra y asimetría en la Edad Contemporánea, Madrid 2014, {{ISBN|978-84-617-0550-4}}, p. 7 [pagination quoted after the version available at Academia.edu service]
67. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 271, 285, Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesúmaga Ariznabarreta, Requetés: de las trincheras al olvido, Madrid 2011, {{ISBN|9788499700465}}, p. 125, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 210, 219
68. ^e.g. during the massive 1935 Poblet gathering, attended by 40,000 people, César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, {{ISBN|8493109797}}, p. 126
69. ^Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 34
70. ^Muñoz Bolaños 2014, p. 9
71. ^named Junta de Conspiración, junta "de conspiración", Junta Suprema Militar Carlista or Junta Técnica Militar, see e.g. Muñoz Bolaños 2014, p. 11, Aróstegui 2013, p. 98
72. ^Zamanillo is listed among 6 civilian members and the junta leaders, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 296
73. ^at an estate Le Ferme, González Calleja 2011, pp. 375-376
74. ^entrusted with general organization and logistics rather than military issues, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 237, Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, {{ISBN|9788487863523}}, p. 19
75. ^by one scholar the plan is referred to as "ideado fundamentalmente por Fal Conde y Zamanillo", Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 23. Other scholars do not mention him at all when discussing the plan, compae Roberto Muñoz Bolanos, El primer intento de "gran coalición": el proyecto de sublevación carlista (marzo/mayo de 1936), [in:] Damián A, González Madrid, Manuel Ortiz Heras, Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón (eds.), La Historia, lost in translation?, Albacete 2016, {{ISBN|9788490442654}}, pp. 1651-1654
76. ^compare Muñoz Bolaños 2014
77. ^González Calleja 2011, p. 378
78. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 227
79. ^Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 37, Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, {{ISBN|9788423533657}}, pp. 18-19, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 308
80. ^Lizarza 2006, pp. 90-91, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 244, Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 30
81. ^Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 38, Lizarza 2006, pp. 94-96, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 245, Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 32
82. ^Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Navarra y País Vasco, 1936: conspiración contra la república, [in:] Cuadernos de Sección. Historia-Geografía 22 (1994), p. 248
83. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 237
84. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 312
85. ^Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 18, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 238
86. ^see Aróstegui 2013, pp. 105-106
87. ^Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN, 9788483569160, p. 44; during the talks Fal remained entirely intransigent, which drove Mola to desperation. He later admitted having been close to shooting himself, "este hombre [Fal] estuvo a punto de conseguir que yo me pegara un tiro", Garcia Venero 1970, p. 76
88. ^on July 9 Fal ordered not to rise with the military, González Calleja 2011, pp. 379-385
89. ^instructing the Carlist units to follow the orders of the military, Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 40
90. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 313
91. ^literally his order read: "Salir con los militares. Si no lo hace, hacer lo posible para que lo hagan. Bandera española rojo y gualda o ninguna", Alcalá 2001, p. 29
92. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 252
93. ^some authors give the date of August 28, Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 486; others give the date of September 1, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 269, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, {{ISBN|9788498837261}}, p. 21
94. ^Ollaquindia 1995, p. 486
95. ^with Ricardo Rada
96. ^Muñoz Bolaños 2014, p. 12
97. ^Ollaquindia 1995, p. 501
98. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 260, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 357, 436, Jaime del Burgo Torres, Un episodio poco conocido de la guerra civil española. La Real Academia Militar de Requetés y el destierro de Fal Conde, [in:] Principe de Viana 196 (1992), p. 485
99. ^though he by no means suggested unification, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 24
100. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 128
101. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 265
102. ^in a latter dated September 22, 1936; the Carlist king thanked Zamanillo for magnificant work and referred to 70,000 requeté volunteers, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradiconalismo español, vol. 30/2, Sevilla 1979, p. 113
103. ^Aróstegui 2013, p. 114. On September 30, 1936 Zamanillo ordered mourning following the death of Alfonso Carlos, [Ignacio Romero Raizabal], Boinas Rojas en Austria, Burgos 1937, p. 34
104. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 273
105. ^e.g. he did not sign a subservient petition of Navarrese junta to the generals, dated September 24, 1936, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 28-9
106. ^in mid-December 1936 Zamanillo hailed co-operation with Falange, but noted also that Carlism did not pretend to military command, a visible conciliatory gesture towards the military. However, he underlined loyalty to the doctrine and to personal leadership of Fal Conde, Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 129
107. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 267
108. ^first row, first from the right (in suit, with beret). Fal Conde is first row, in the middle
109. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 182
110. ^Aróstegui 2013, p. 684
111. ^ABC 27.09.75, available here
112. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 237, Del Burgo 1992, p. 494
113. ^"antesala" or "antedespacho", Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 239, Del Burgo 1992, pp. 495-496
114. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 276
115. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, pp. 241-242, Del Burgo 1992, p. 496, Garcia Venero 1970, p. 79
116. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 243
117. ^Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Los días fugaces: el carlismo: de las guerras civiles a la transición democrática, Cuenca 2013, {{ISBN|9788495414243}}, p. 47, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 30
118. ^the Junta a sconfirmed in Insua consisted of 7 members: Fal, Martinez Berasain, Rodezno, Lamamie, Valiente, Zamanillo and Gaiztarro, Melchor Ferrer, Breve historia del legitmismo español, Madrid 1958, p. 122. Some authors claim another member was Arauz de Robles, Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957) [PhD thesis Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, p. 304
119. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 36
120. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 286
121. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 257
122. ^Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 43
123. ^in late 1936 Zamanillo had access to Mola and dined with him in Valladolid, Garcia Venero 1970, p. 75
124. ^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 288, Sanz Hoya 2009, p. 213
125. ^Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 264
126. ^Garcia Venero 1970, p. 110
127. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 45
128. ^Garcia Venero 1970, p. 110, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 45, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 291
129. ^Nicolas served first in Tercio del Rey commanding 3. company (Sicilia), later led Santanderinos during formation of formed Tercio del Camino, and in 1937 later incorporated into Tercio de Navarra, commanding 1. company as teniente, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 181-182, 360
130. ^Gregorio was a medic in Tercio Castellano de Mola and Tercio de Palencia, Aróstegui 2013, p. 636
131. ^Lizarza 2006, pp. 159-160
132. ^e.g. in May 1937 he signed nominations antedating them to January 1, 37; the purpose was to ensure better standing of the requetés in unified structures, Aróstegui 2013, p. 496
133. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 67
134. ^Sanz Hoya 2009, p. 219
135. ^a November 1937 press mentiond a "José Zamanillo" as alcalde of Santander, Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 08.11.37, available here. None of the sources consulted mentions Zamanillo as holding posts in the local Cantabrian administration of the time
136. ^e.g. in March 1938, Noticiero de Soría 10.03.38, available here
137. ^Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015 , p. 61
138. ^exiled or at home arrest
139. ^Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 422
140. ^the mission trigered conflict with the Navarros, represented by Joaquín Baleztena. He complained that nominations should be carried out not by means of top-down appointments but rather by means of bottom-up elections, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), pp. 103-104
141. ^Manuel Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. 2, Madrid 1979, p. 26
142. ^in 1940 he co-edited response to Don Juan, Santa Cruz 1979, p. 26
143. ^Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 422
144. ^"el régimen totalitario, asentado en un partido único, ha de producir frutos nefastos, en la práctica, el instaurado en España ha superado en sus desastrosos efectos a todas las previsiones", which "la sociedad entera con asombrosa unanimidad repudia y condena un sistema, que ha malogrado totalmente el fruto de la victoria sobre los rojos". In terms of proposals, Zamanillo and the group recommended the following: 1) stay firmly by ideals and stick to loyalty; 2) study traditionalist ideario and develop the doctrine; 3) prepare solutions at opportune time to be presented to the government, Santa Cruz 1979, p. 76
145. ^in 1940 he spoke in Sevilla at an Acción Católica meetings, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 371. At this opporunity he was also introduced by Fal to cardenal Segura, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 412
146. ^in 1942 he spoke at the Montserrat rally, Alcalá 2001, p. 52
147. ^Ballestero 2014, p. 80, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 96, Alcalá 2001, p. 52, full text Santa Cruz 1979, pp. 173-219
148. ^Sanrta Cruz 1979, p. 227
149. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 243
150. ^Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, {{ISBN|8420639478}}, p. 344, Alcalá 2001, p. 57
151. ^having to report to a police station every 15 days, Santa Cruz 1979, p. 228
152. ^1944 regional requete jefes still reported straight to Zamanillo, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 108
153. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 310-312, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Los incidentes del 3 de diciembre de 1945 en la Plaza del Castillo, [in:] Principe de Viana 58 (1997), pp. 630, 637, 640
154. ^it is not clear what was the incarceration time, Villanueva Martínez 1997, p. 644. It must have not lasted longer than 4 months, as in May Zamanillo was recorded as attending another Carlist gathering
155. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 104
156. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 323
157. ^in 1948, Alcalá 2001, p. 88
158. ^in 1947 and with Fal, Valiente, Saenz-Siez and Lamamie, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 106, Canal 2000, pp. 350-351
159. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 321
160. ^he visited Rome with Fal and Lamamie during Easter of 1948 and was received by Pius XII, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 480
161. ^Lluita 26.05.48, available here
162. ^In 1952 he was still noted in the press as related to Santander, Boletín oficial de la provincia de Santander 17.09.52, available here
163. ^in 1945 police detained him "in his Madrid home"
164. ^for 1952 see Boletín oficial de la provincia de Santander 17.09.52, available here, for 1957 see Hoja Oficial de Lunes 16.12.57, available here
165. ^Francisco de las Heras y Borrero, Un pretendiente desconocido. Carlos de Habsburgo. El otro candidato de Franco, Madrid 2004, {{ISBN|8497725565}} , p. 132
166. ^in the early 1905s he was sent on a mission to calm Catalonia to impose measures against Catalan separatism and against the Sivattistas, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 127
167. ^Alcalá 2001, p. 99
168. ^ABC 27.09.75, available here
169. ^with Valiente, Saenz-Diez and Fagoaga, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 138, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 184
170. ^with Valiente, Saenz-Diez and Jaime de Carlos, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, {{ISBN|9788416558407}}, p. 34
171. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 39, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, {{ISBN|9788477682653}}, p. 70
172. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 40, Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 190
173. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 79, Canal 2000, p. 356
174. ^following Fal's deposition Zamanillo wrote him cordial and most likely sincere letters, Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 54
175. ^most Carlists were firmly anti-collaborative at the time, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 114
176. ^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 353
177. ^Alcalá 2001, p. 125
178. ^Zamanillo was at that time considered representative of Javierismo, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 152
179. ^in 1956 Zamanillo was made caballero de Orden de la Legitimidad Proscrita, Francisco Manuel Heras y Borrero, Carlos Hugo el Rey que no pudo ser: la lucha por el trono de España de Carlos Hugo de Borbón Parma, la última esperanza del carlismo, Madrid 2010, {{ISBN|9788495009999}}, p. 77, Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 100
180. ^Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, {{ISBN|9780874173444}}, p. 92. Other authors claim rather that Zamanillo cultivated links with ministers and technocrats, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 87
181. ^MacClancy 2000, pp. 92-93
182. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 150, Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 46, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 144
183. ^MacClancy 2000, p. 93
184. ^allegedly in 1957 Valiente targeted a job in the government while Zamanillo had his eyes set on the Movimiento, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 20, Lavardin 1976, p. 67
185. ^Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 148
186. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 72
187. ^according to some sources in 1960; the position is also referred to as secretario nacional of Secretaria Nacional, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 80, Canal 2000, p. 356, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 118
188. ^Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 203
189. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 79
190. ^Lavardin 1976, p. 43
191. ^when police intercepted Carlos Hugo on his way from Montejurra to the French frontier. An officer confiscated Carlos Hugo's French passport; it took Zamanillo, with his sense of authority and command, to arrive and corner the official, making him return the passport. The whole scene took place somewhere in the Navarrese countryside, Lavardin 1976, pp. 74-75
192. ^prior to the 1960 Montejurra Zamanillo talked with Solis to ensure Carlos Hugo's entry. When despite the agreement Carlos Hugo was stopped at the border crossing in Irun, the Carlists called Zamanillo, who unleashed his fury over the telephone and got Carlos Hugo allowed to pass, Lavardin 1976, pp. 90-91
193. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 111
194. ^1961 Carlos Hugo was permitted and settle in Madrid thanks to the talks that Zamanillo held with Solis, Lavardin 1976, p. 110
195. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 141
196. ^MacClancy 2000, p. 98, Lavardin 1976, p. 14
197. ^as requete jefe Zamanillo was replaced with José Arturo Márquez de Prado, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 172, Lavardin 1976, p. 91
198. ^in 1960 he formed part of a committee to re-organise Carlism in Valencia and Catalonia, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 81
199. ^in 1957 Zamanillo was present at two competitive Montserrat feasts, one organized by the Javieristas and one by the Sivattistas, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 155. For 1958 see Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 201, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 2014 161
200. ^Lavardin 1976, p. 74
201. ^prior to the 1958 Montejurra gatherin g Alonso Vega told Zamanillo he'd better not attend; Zamanillo disregarded the advice, Lavardin 1976, pp. 71-72
202. ^prior to the 1958 Montserrat Sivatte asked Zamanillo to avoid personal references; Zamanillo disregarded the request and mentioned Fal as example of loyalty. From this moment he was no longer invited to speak at the Sivattista Montserrat gatherings, Alcalá 2001, pp. 111-112
203. ^MacClancy 2000, p. 148
204. ^Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 149
205. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 107
206. ^e.g. in October 1960 Zamanillo wrote Solis a somewhat bitter letter; he claimed that while officially no claimant was preferred of privildged, in fact the regime promoted the Juanistas, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 187-188
207. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 136
208. ^see Zamanillo's 1961 ticket at the official Cortes service, available here
209. ^Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 150
210. ^in 1975 Zamanillo referred to Carlos Hugo as "muy simpático, el clásico francés. El decía que era un Principe europeo, cosa que a nosotros no nos hacía ninguna gracia", ABC 27.09.1975, available here
211. ^in late 1961, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 147
212. ^full title Estudio razonado de la evolución doctrinal del carlismo. Nuevos rumbos de la doctrina carlista: la política posibilista como resultado, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 102, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 465
213. ^Circulos Vázquez de Mella were increasingly controlled by AET and the Hugocarlistas; in 1960 Zamanillo delivered a lecture on La personalidad de Mella, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 464
214. ^according to a somewhat sarcastic account of a person from the young Carlos Hugo entourage, in the early 1960s Zamanillo was doing little; his activity boiled down to travelling across the country and delivering addresses necessarily stuffed with the words "dead" and "blood", Lavardin 1976, p. 143
215. ^Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 15, Lavardin 1976, p. 48
216. ^"hombre valiente y luchador, pero con escaso sentido político" Lavardin 1976, pp. 66-67
217. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 139, 146, Lavardin 1976, p. 48
218. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 160, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 124
219. ^there are unclear references to family issues and Zamanillo's wife as possible source of conflict with the young, see Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 181
220. ^brusque man with an unshakable sense of his own authority", MacClancy 2000, p. 98
221. ^Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, pp. 102, 130, 133
222. ^MacClancy 2000, pp. 98-99
223. ^in letters Zamanillo doubted about "cauces tradicionales" of the youth, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 163
224. ^Josep Miralles Climent, Estudiantes y obreros carlistas durante la dictadura franquista. La AET, el MOT y la FOS, Madrid 2007, {{ISBN|9788495735331}}, p. 42
225. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 81
226. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 163
227. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 164
228. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 176
229. ^Lavardin 1976, p. 122
230. ^launched in February 1962, it was formally registered in April 1962, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 163, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 118-119, Lavardin 1976, p. 131
231. ^when in 1962 Don Javier made Carlos Hugo duque de San Jaime Zamanillo grumbled that such moves must be consulted with the administration, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 150
232. ^one of them was the interview that Carlos Hugo held with Franco in May 1962. Zamanillo was allegedly uneasy about not being involved, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 169
233. ^in May 1962 Zamanillo spoke at Montejurra, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 302, Lavardin 1976, p. 129, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 261, 1962 and at other feasts, e.g. in Durango, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 138
234. ^Lavardin 1976, pp. 143-144
235. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 174
236. ^at the Hendaye sesson, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 170
237. ^Lavardin 1976, p. 146
238. ^in November, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 476
239. ^Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 175, Lavardin 1976, p. 147
240. ^Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 150, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 476
241. ^Saenz-Díez was marginalised on charges of financial ineptidue, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 150
242. ^at one point Zamanillo attended a dinner with non-dynastic monarchists; the meeting later served as a proof of his alleged engagement in a Juanista plot, Lavardin 1976, pp. 147-148
243. ^the case Melchor Ferrer, an orthodox Traditionalist historian of prestigious standing, who launched public onslaught on Zamanillo doubting his loyalty to Don Javier, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 187-192, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 183, Lavardin 1976, pp. 148-149
244. ^in 1963 Zamanillo resigned posts in the Requeté ex-combatant organization, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 181, MacClancy 2000, p. 99
245. ^Lavardin 1976, pp. 153-155
246. ^the June 1963 session saw a number of charges: disloyalty to Don Javier, attacks on Carlos Hugo, impolite and rude behavior versus Carlos Hugo's sisters, overcommitting to Franco, collaboration with hardline Falangist Circulo Jose Antonio, implanting hostility between Franco and Don Javier, attempting another dynastic Caspe agreement with Juanistas, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 186, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 182, Lavardin 1976, p. 148
247. ^in December 1963 Don Javier noted: "no cuentan desgraciamente en la política el afecto personal y las amistades, cuando es preciso actuar, y sin desearlo se hiere viejos amigos como Zamanillo y otros", quoted after Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 181
248. ^MacClancy 2000, p. 99
249. ^the only person among the Carlist moguls who realized that there was a conspiracy against Zamanillo going on was Ignacio Romero Raizabal, a person far from the Traditionalist core, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 184
250. ^in 1967 the Hugocarlistas congratulated themselves on eliminating Zamanillo but considered elimination of Valiente long overdue, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 78, Lavardin 1976, p. 282-3, García Riol 2015, p. 107
251. ^removal of Zamanillo was one of few episodes which marked 1963 as the year when the balance of power shifted towards the Hugocarlistas, who from that moment onwards seized the initiave and proceeded to total domination, the process completed in the early 1970s. The other episodes of 1963 which contributed to the shift were especially departure of Traditionalist pundits Francisco Elías de Tejada and Rafael Gambra
252. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 255
253. ^when in April 1962 the Franco entourage dwere discussing how to fill the vacancy for subsecretario de justicia, Carrero suggested Blas Piñar. Franco dismissed the proposal ("es un exaltado") and went on to suggest Zamanillo. "Este es hugonote" said Carrero, and the post finally went to Antonio Maria Oriol. As at the time differences between Zamanillo and Carlos Hugo were already evident, it is not clear whether the opinion of Carrero resulted from poor intelligence or was rather a conscious attempt to against Zamanillo, perhaps related by Carrero (correctly) to the Falangist core. The account referred after Blas Piñar, Escrito para la historia, Madrid 2000, {{ISBN|8473780485}}, p. 167
254. ^ABC 05.12.64, available here
255. ^see the 1964 Zamanillo ticket at the official Cortes service, available here
256. ^see the 1967 Zamanillo ticket at the official Cortes service, available here
257. ^see the 1971 Zamanillo ticket at the official Cortes service, available here
258. ^the presidency went to Solis and vice –presidency to Fernand Cuesta, ABC 18.07.64, available here
259. ^this time presidency went to Fernandez-Cuesta, Zamanillo was again the secretary, ABC 21.12.67, available here
260. ^ABC 23.03.67, available here
261. ^ABC 14.11.68, available here
262. ^ABC 17.11.67, available here
263. ^ABC 21.01.67, available here
264. ^in 1968, ABC 03.09.68, available here
265. ^ABC 19.07.70, available here
266. ^ABC 16.11.72, available here
267. ^ABC 27.09.75, available here
268. ^ABC 23.10.65, available here
269. ^Mónica Moreno Seco, El miedo a la libertad religiosa. Autoridades franquistas, católicos y protestantes ante la Ley de 28 de junio de 1967, [in:] Anales de Historia Contemporánea 17 (2001), p. 357
270. ^he claimed that the genuine representation should be based on three categories: geographical units, labor groupings and families. See his rather unique, large theoretical elaborate, ABC 03.08.66, available here
271. ^MacClancy 2000, p. 170
272. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 185. Later he retriactively justified his vote claiming that there were only 2 options: monarchy of Juan Carlos or a republic, ABC 27.09.75, available here
273. ^Pere Ysás, El consejo nacional del Movimiento en el franquismo tardío, [in:] Miguel Angel Ruiz Carnicer (ed.), Falange, las culturas políticas del fascismo en la España de Franco (1936-1975), vol. 1, Madrid 2013, {{ISBN|9788499112169}}, p. 370, ABC 17.01.73, available here
274. ^García Riol 2015, p. 270
275. ^in the late 1960s he still engaged in cordial if not intimate discussions with some Javieristas, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 162-163
276. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 212-213
277. ^in 1972 Zamanillo talked to this end with Márquez de Prado, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 230-232
278. ^considered already in 1967 there were plans to use it against hugocarlista sposisbly with Fal García Riol 2015, pp. 106-107
279. ^Hermanded de Maestrazgo was set up in 1959 as a local Ulldecona organization, compare Ramón Rodón Guinjoan, Una aproximación al estudio de la Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo y del Partido Social Regionalista, [in:] Aportes 88 (2015), pp. 169-201
280. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 235
281. ^Zamanillo was involved in Hermanded de Maestrazgo already in 1965, ABC 21.12.65, available here
282. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 260, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 237
283. ^Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 261, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 238-239
284. ^García Riol 2015, p. 306
285. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 158
286. ^Zamanillo did not sign a 1975 letter-ultimatum to Don Javier, signed by Hermandad executive, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 185
287. ^e.g. discussing the question in 1974-1975 with Fal Conde, Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 62
288. ^it was a periodical issued by Prensa de Opinión S.A., an entity presided by Zamanillo, Miguel A. del Río Morillas, Origen y desarollo de Unión Nacional Española (UNE): la experiencia de la extrema derecha neofranquista de Alianza Popular (AP), [in:] Molinero, Tébar (eds.), VIII Encuentro Internacional de Investigadores del Franquismo [CD-ROM], 2013, p. 2 [furtherly referred as Río Morillas 2013a], Miguel A. del Río Morillas, De la extreme derecha neofranquista a la derecha conservadora: los orígenes de Alianza Popular (1973-1979) [PhD thesis Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona], Barcelona 2013 [furtherly referred as Río Morillas 2013b], p. 124
289. ^Río Morillas 2013a, p. 2, Río Morillas 2013b, p. 124
290. ^some sources claim in May, Ballestero 2014, pp. 43, 119, Cristian Ferrer Gonzàlez, Los Carlismos de la Transición: las idiosincrasias carlistas frente al cambiopolítico (1973-1979), [in:] Juan Carlos Colomes Rubio, Javier Esteve Marti, Melanie Ibanez Domingo (eds.), Ayer y hoy. Debates, historiografia y didactica de la historia, Valencia 2015, {{ISBN|9788460658740}}, p. 152
291. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 269
292. ^Río Morillas 2013a, p. 10
293. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 269
294. ^Río Morillas 2013a, p. 14
295. ^Río Morillas 2013a,p. 17, Río Morillas 2013b, p. 138
296. ^the group did not call themselves Traditionalists in order not to allude references to FET and as not all among its 50 founders were indeed Traditionalists, ABC 27.09.75, available here
297. ^"echarse al monte ahora sería absurdo. Lo que hay que hacer es un 18 de julio pacífico y político", ABC 27.09.75, available here
298. ^ABC 27.09.75, available here
299. ^Río Morillas 2013b, p. 236
300. ^Río Morillas 2013b, pp. 136-137
301. ^MacClancy 2000, p. 178. For extensive account from the Hugocarlista perspective, featuring Zamanillo a number of times, see Informe. Montejurra 76/96, available online here
302. ^in March 1976, Miguel Ángel Giménez Martínez, Las Cortes de Franco o el Parlamento imposible, [in:] Trocadero 27 (2015), pp. 92-93
303. ^"la herencia del 18 de julio no tienen protección como consecuencia de la falta de autoridad del Estado", Río Morillas 2013b, p. 176
304. ^in May 1976 Zamanillo, as member of Comisión de Leyes Fundamentales, voted against the draft of "ley reguladora del derecho de reunión", accepted later as Ley 17/1976, and was one of 4 procuradores who voted against it during the plenary session, Pilar Fernández-Miranda Lozana, La Reforma Política. Contribución a la historia de la transición [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 1994, p. 291
305. ^Río Morillas 2013b, p. 255
306. ^see Informe de la ponencia de las Cortes, [in:] Reforma Constitucional at the official Spanish government service, available here
307. ^Luis Suárez Fernández, Manuel Espadas Burgos, Historia general de España y América, vol. 19/2, Madrid 1987, {{ISBN|9788432123597}}, p. 481
308. ^this particular remark was triggered by governmental responde to the ETA killing of Araluce Villar, ABC 16.10.76, available here
309. ^Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, pp. 6-7, Río Morillas 2013a, p. 11
310. ^Río Morillas 2013b, p. 306
311. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 270, 273, García Riol 2015, p. 392
312. ^Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 272
313. ^see electoral data at electionpassport service, available here
314. ^what enraged Zamanillo in particular was that Fraga introduced Santiago Carillo, considered murdered responsible for the 1936 Paracuellos de Jarama killings, to prestigious Club Siglo XXI, Río Morillas 2013b, p. 608. "La presentación de Carrillo en el Club Siglo XXI por el secretario general de Alianza Popular, don Manuel Fraga, ha sido la gota de agua que ha rebasado el límite de la paciencia a muchos españoles que teníamos puesta nuestra fe en Alianza Popular", quoted after Río Morillas 2013a, p. 20
315. ^Río Morillas 2013a, p. 20
316. ^Río Morillas 2013b, p. 142
317. ^Río Morillas 2013a, p. 21