“Ferdinand Marcos”的意思、由来-开放百科全书

On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates.^[164] The major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the elections.

After the lifting of Martial Law, the pressure on the Communist CPP-NPA alleviated. The group was able to return to urban areas and form relationships with legal opposition organizations, and became increasingly successful in attacks against the government throughout the country.^[159] The violence inflicted by the communists reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths and 1,362 civilian deaths.^[159]

Aquino's assassination

On August 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated on the tarmac at Manila International Airport. He had returned to the Philippines after three years in exile in the United States, where he had a heart bypass operation to save his life after Marcos allowed him to leave the Philippines to seek medical care. Prior to his heart surgery, Ninoy, along with his two co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, were sentenced to death by a military commission on charges of murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.^[141]

A few months before his assassination, Ninoy had decided to return to the Philippines after his research fellowship from Harvard University had finished. The opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. Popular speculation pointed to three suspects; the first was Marcos himself through his trusted military chief Fabian Ver; the second theory pointed to his wife Imelda who had her own burning ambition now that her ailing husband seemed to be getting weaker, and the third theory was that Danding Cojuangco planned the assassination because of his own political ambitions.^[165] The 1985 acquittals of Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers charged with the crime were widely seen as a whitewash and a miscarriage of justice.

On November 22, 2007, Pablo Martinez, one of the convicted suspects in the assassination of Ninoy Aquino Jr. alleged that it was Ninoy Aquino Jr.'s relative, Danding Cojuangco, cousin of his wife Corazon Cojuangco Aquino, who ordered the assassination of Ninoy Aquino Jr. while Marcos was recuperating from his kidney transplant. Martinez also alleged only he and Galman knew of the assassination, and that Galman was the actual shooter, which is not corroborated by other evidence of the case.^[166]

Impeachment attempt

In August 1985, 56 Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for alleged diversion of U.S. aid for personal use,^[167] citing a July 1985 San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcos's multimillion-dollar investment and property holdings in the United States.

The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, and a number of residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three condominiums in San Francisco, California.

The Assembly also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds "for the construction of the Manila Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films{{citation needed|date=September 2016}} are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions." The impeachment attempt gained little real traction, however, even in the light of this incendiary charge; the committee to which the impeachment resolution was referred did not recommend it, and any momentum for removing Marcos under constitutional processes soon died.{{citation needed|date=May 2014}}

Physical decline

During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as a complication of a chronic autoimmune disease lupus erythematosus. He had a kidney transplant in August 1983, and when his body rejected the first kidney transplant, he had a second transplant in November 1984.^[168] Marcos's regime was sensitive to publicity of his condition; a palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly afterwards found murdered. Police said he was kidnapped and slain by communist rebels.^[168] Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest.^[169] With Marcos ailing, his powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health as he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique.

By 1984, U.S. President Ronald Reagan started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the years,^[170] although during the Carter administration the relationship with the U.S. had soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign.

Cabinet

Cabinet under martial law

Economic performance

The 21-year period of Philippine economic history during Ferdinand Marcos' regime - from his election in 1965 until he was ousted by the People Power Revolution in 1986- was a period of significant economic highs and lows.^[175]^[176]^[177]^[1]

Debt

To help finance a number of economic development projects, the Marcos government borrowed large amounts of money from international lenders.^[260]^[178] The external debt of the Philippines rose more than 70-fold from $360 million in 1962 to $26.2 billion in 1985,^[179] making the Philippines one of the most indebted countries in Asia.^[180] Philippine Annual Gross Domestic Product grew from $5.27 billion in 1964 to $37.14 billion in 1982, a year prior to the assassination of Ninoy Aquino. The GDP went down to $30.7 billion in 1985, after two years of economic recession brought about by political instability following Ninoy's assassination.^[181] A considerable amount of this money went to the Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans.{{citation needed|date=March 2016}}

Reliance on US trade

As a former colony of the United States, the Philippines was heavily reliant on the American economy to purchase agricultural goods such as sugar,^[182] tobacco, coconut, bananas, and pineapple^[183]^[184] and US corporations prospered.

Economy during martial law (1973–1980)

According to World Bank Data, the Philippine's Annual Gross Domestic Product quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45 billion in 1980, for an inflation-adjusted average growth rate of 6% per year, while debt stood at US$17.2 billion by the end of 1980.^[181]^[269] Indeed, according to the U.S.-based Heritage Foundation, the Philippines enjoyed its best economic development since 1945 between 1972 and 1979.^[185] The economy grew amidsts two severe global oil shocks following the 1973 oil crisis and 1979 energy crisis – oil price was $3 / barrel in 1973 and $39.5 in 1979, or a growth of 1200%. By the end of 1979, debt was still manageable, with debt to Debt-GNP ratio about the same as South Korea, according to th US National Bureau of Economic Research.^[269]

Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives, including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. It aimed to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging its residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980.^[186]

Economy after martial law (1981–1985)

The Philippine economy, heavily reliant on exports to the United States, suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983 because Filipino business and political leaders who studied in Harvard, Yale, and other US universities began lobbying American and foreign firms to discourage them from investing in the Philippines. This was taking place at the same time that China was beginning to accept free-market capitalism and American businesses were jockeying to establish manufacturing plants in China. The political troubles of the Philippines hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.

In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program and despite his growing isolation from American businesses, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.

However, the economy continued to shrink despite the government's recovery efforts due to a number of reasons. Most of the so-called government development programs failed to materialize. Government funds were often siphoned off by Marcos or his cronies. American investors were discouraged by the Filipino economic elite who were against the corruption that by now had become endemic in the Marcos regime.^[187] The failure of the recovery program was further augmented by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government, and Marcos's lack of credibility. The unemployment rate increased from 6.25% in 1972 to 11.058% in 1985.^[188]

Considering the severe 1984–1985 recession, the Philippine economy annual growth rate from 1972 to 1985 of 3.4% is significantly lower than the 5.4% growth rate achieved by other countries in ASEAN (Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore) in the same time period.^[25]

Creation of the Credit Information Bureau

In 1981, Ferdinand Marcos issued Letter of Instructions No. 1107 mandating the Central Bank of the Philippines to analyze the probability of establishing and funding the operation of a credit bureau in the Philippines due to the disturbing increase of failures on corporate borrowers.^[189]

In adherence to the order, Central Bank of the Philippines organized the Credit Information Exchange System under the department of Loans and Credit. It was created to engage in collating, developing and analyzing credit information on individuals, institutions, business entities and other business concerns. It aims to develop and undertake the continuing exchange of credit data within its members and subscribers and to provide an impartial source of credit information for debtors, creditors and the public. On April 14, 1982, Credit Information Bureau, Inc. was incorporated as a non-stock, non-profit corporation. CIBI was created pursuant to LOI No. 1107 dated February 16, 1981 and was further strengthened by PD No. 1941 which recognizes and supports CIBI as a suitable credit bureau to promote the development and maintenance of rational and efficient credit processes in the financial system and in the economy as a whole.

In 1997, Credit Information Bureau, Inc. was incorporated and transformed into a private entity and became CIBI Information, Inc. CIBI is a provider of information and intelligence for business, credit and individuals.^[190] The company also supplies compliance reports before accrediting suppliers, industry partners and even hiring professionals.^[191]

Economic controversies

According to the book The Making of the Philippines by Frank Senauth (p. 103):^[192]

The country's total external debt rose from US$2.3 billion in 1970 to US$26.2 billion in 1985 during Marcos's term. Marcos's critics charged that policies have become debt-driven with rampant corruption and plunder of public funds by Marcos and his cronies. This held the country under a debt-servicing crisis which is expected to be fixed by only 2025. Critics have pointed out an elusive state of the country's development as the period is marred by a sharp devaluing of the Philippine Peso from 3.9 to 20.53. The overall economy experienced a slower growth GDP per capita, lower wage conditions and higher unemployment especially towards the end of Marcos's term after the 1983–1984 recession. Some of Marcos's critics claimed that poverty incidence grew from 41% in the 1960s at the time Marcos took the Presidency to 59% when he was removed from power,^[194]^[195]^[196]^[197]^[198]^[199]

From 1972 to 1980, agricultural production fell by 30%. After declaring martial law in 1972, Marcos promised to implement agrarian reforms. However, the land reforms served largely to undermine Marcos's landholder opponents, not to lessen inequality in the countryside,^[200] and encouraged conversion to cash tenancy and greater reliance on farm workers.^[201] Under Marcos, timber products were among the nation's top exports but little attention was paid to the environmental impacts of deforestation as cronies never complied with reforestation agreements. By the early 1980s, forestry collapsed because most of the Philippines' accessible forests had been depleted—of the 12 million hectares of forestland, about 7 million had been left barren."^[202]^[203]

While the book claimed that agricultural production declined by 30% in the 1970s and suggested that timber exports were growing in the same period, an article published by the World Bank on Philippine Agriculture says that crops (rice, corn, coconut, sugar), livestock and poultry and fisheries grew at an average rate of 6.8%, 3% and 4.5%, respectively from 1970 to 1980, and the forestry sector actually declined by an annual average rate of 4.4% through the 1970s.^[204]

Despite claims made by the book that land reforms served largely to undermine Marcos's landholder opponents, Marcos's government did not distribute to small farmers his political rival Ninoy Aquino's family's 6,453 hectare Hacienda Luisita plantation, the biggest in the country.^[205]^[206]

By 1960 the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations had worked with the Garcia administration and the UP College of Agriculture to establish the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) in Los Baños, Laguna,^[207]{{rp|page=7}} signaling the rise of the Green Revolution (industrialized, chemical agriculture) to the Philippines.^[208] In the late '60s, the Marcos administration took advantage of IRRI's new "miracle rice" cultivar (IR8),^[208] promoting its use throughout the Philippines. While this resulted in annual rice production in the Philippines increasing from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades and made the Philippines a rice exporter for the first time in the 20th century,^[209]^[210] the switch to IR8 required more fertilizers and pesticides. This and other related reforms resulted in high profits for transnational corporations, but were generally harmful to small, peasant farmers who were often pushed into poverty.^[211]

Snap election, revolution

In late 1985, in the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a "snap election" with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition to Marcos united behind two American-educated leaders, Aquino's widow, Corazon, and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.^[212]^[213]

It was during this time that Marcos's World War II medals for fighting the Japanese Occupation was first questioned by the foreign press. During a campaign in Manila's Tondo district, Marcos retorted:^[214]

Marcos was referring to both presidential candidate Corazon Aquino's father-in-law Benigno Aquino Sr. and vice presidential candidate Salvador Laurel's father, José P. Laurel, who were leaders of the KALIBAPI, a puppet political party that collaborated with the Japanese during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines. Both were arrested and charged for treason after the war.^[215]

The elections were held on February 7, 1986.^[216] The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the partial 69% tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,502,601 votes against Marcos's 6,787,556 votes. Cheating was reported on both sides.^[217] This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results.

Despite common knowledge that Marcos cheated the elections, some claim that Marcos is the one that had been cheated by NAMFREL because his Solid North votes were transmitted very late to the tabulation center at the PICC. Two Namfrel volunteers were hanged in Ilocos. The Ilocano votes were enough to overwhelm Cory's lead in Metro Manila and other places.^[218]

The alleged fraud culminated in the walkout of 35 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the manipulation of the official election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout of computer technicians was led by Linda Kapunan^[219] and the technicians were protected by Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers led by her husband Lt. Col. Eduardo "Red" Kapunan. RAM, led by Lt. Col. Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan and backed by Enrile had plotted a coup d'etat to seize Malacañang and kill Marcos and his family.^[220]

The failed election process gave a decisive boost to the "People Power movement." Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's 'sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution, backed by fellow-American educated Eugenio Lopez Jr., Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala, and the old political and economic elites. At the height of the revolution, Juan Ponce Enrile revealed that a purported and well-publicized ambush attempt against him years earlier was in fact faked, in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. However, Marcos never ceased to maintain that he was the duly elected and proclaimed president of the Philippines for a fourth term, but unfairly and illegally deprived of his right to serve it. On February 25, 1986, rival presidential inaugurations were held,^[221] but as Aquino supporters overran parts of Manila and seized state broadcaster PTV-4, Marcos was forced to flee.^[222]

Exile in Hawaii

Fleeing from the Philippines to Hawaii

At 15:00 PST (GMT+8) on February 25, 1986, Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt, a close associate of the United States President, Ronald Reagan, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause.^[223] In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family, and included his close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopters^[224] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.

As per the official 23-page US Customs record, the two C-141 transport planes that carried the Marcos family and their closest allies had 23 wooden crates; 12 suitcases and bags, and various boxes, whose contents included enough clothes to fill 67 racks; 413 pieces of jewelry; 24 gold bricks, inscribed "To my husband on our 24th anniversary"; and more than 27m Philippine pesos in freshly printed notes. The jewelry included 70 pairs of jewel-studded cufflinks; an ivory statue of the infant Jesus with a silver mantle and a diamond necklace. The total value of these items was $15 millon.^[225] Meanwhile, when protestors stormed Malacañang Palace shortly after their departure, it was famously discovered that Imelda had left behind over 2,700 pairs of shoes in her closet.^[226]

The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade, but only within Metro Manila because no mass demonstrations or protests against Marcos occurred in the provinces and islands of Visayas and Mindanao.

Plans to return to the Philippines and 'The Marcos Tapes'

More than a year after the People Power Revolution, it was revealed to the United States House Foreign Affairs subcommittee in 1987 that Marcos held an intention to fly back to the Philippines and overthrow the Aquino government. Two Americans, namely attorney Richard Hirschfeld and business consultant Robert Chastain, both of whom posed as arms dealers, gained knowledge of a plot by gaining Marcos' trust and secretly tape recorded their conversations with the ousted leader.

According to Hirschfeld, he was first invited by Marcos to a party held at the latter's family residence in Oahu, Hawaii. After hearing that one of Hirschfeld's clients was Saudi Sheikh Mohammad Fassi, Marcos' interest was piqued because he had done business with Saudis in the past. A few weeks later, Marcos asked for help with securing a passport from another country, in order to travel back to the Philippines while bypassing travel restrictions imposed by the Philippines and United States governments. This failed, however, and subsequently Marcos asked Hirschfeld to arrange a $10-million loan from Fassi.

On January 12, 1987, Marcos stated to Hirschfeld that he required another $5-million loan "in order to pay 10,000 soldiers $500 each as a form of 'combat life insurance.' When asked by Hirschfeld if he was talking about an invasion of the Philippines, Marcos responded, "Yes." Hirschfeld also recalled that the former president said that he was negotiating with several arms dealers to purchase up to $18 million worth of weapons, including tanks and heat-seeking missiles, and enough ammunition to "last an army three months."

Marcos had thought of being flown to his hometown in Ilocos Norte, greeted by his loyal supporters, and initiating a plot to kidnap Corazon Aquino. ″What I would like to see happen is we take her hostage,″ Marcos told Chastain. ″Not to hurt her ... no reason to hurt her .. to take her.″

Learning of this plan, Hirschfeld contacted the US Department of Justice, and was asked for further evidence. This information eventually reached President Ronald Reagan, who placed Marcos under "island arrest", further limiting his movement.^[227]^[228]

In response, the Aquino government dismissed Marcos' statements as being a mere propaganda ploy.^[229]

Death and burial

In his dying days, Marcos was visited by Vice President Salvador Laurel.^[230] During the meeting with Laurel, Marcos offered to return 90% of his ill-gotten wealth to the Filipino people in exchange for being buried back in the Philippines beside his mother, an offer also disclosed to Enrique Zobel. However, Marcos's offer was rebuffed by the Aquino government.^[231]^[232]^[233]

Marcos died in Honolulu on the morning of September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart, and lung ailments. Marcos was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu where his remains were visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends.

The Aquino government refused to allow Marcos's body to be brought back to the Philippines. The body was only brought back to the Philippines four years after Marcos's death during the term of President Fidel Ramos.^[234]

From 1993 to 2016, his remains were interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee, have since become the local governor and congressional representative, respectively. A large bust of Ferdinand Marcos (inspired by Mount Rushmore) was commissioned by the tourism minister, Jose Aspiras, and carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed; suspects included left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who had been displaced by construction of the monument, and looters hunting for the legendary Yamashita treasure.^[235]

Opinion on his burial remains split: 50 percent of the 1,800 respondents of a survey conducted by SWS in February 2016 said Marcos "was worthy to be buried at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani" while the other half rejected a hero's burial, calling him a "thief".^[236]

On November 18, 2016, the remains of Marcos were buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani despite opposition from various groups. The burial came as unexpected to many, as the Supreme Court's ruling still allowed 15 days for the opposition to file a motion for reconsideration. On the morning of November 18, using Philippine Armed Forces helicopters, his family and their supporters flew his remains from Ilocos to Manila for a private burial.

Various protest groups formed immediately upon hearing the news of the unexpected burial. Among those who gathered to oppose the burial were youth groups and opponents of the burial of Ferdinand Marcos in the Libingan ng mga Bayani. The League of Filipino Students described the transfer of Marcos' remains as being done like "a thief in the night." They also criticized the government's involvement in the burial of the former president who they described as a "fascist dictator". The Kabataan Partylist also condemned the burial, labeling it as a "grave travesty" and as "galawang Hokage" in reference to the burial of Marcos being planned and conducted unbeknownst to the public.^[237]

Personal life

Immediate family

Ferdinand Marcos married Imelda Romualdez on May 1, 1954, and the marriage produced three children:^[238]

Ancestry

Marcos claimed that he was a descendant of Antonio Luna, a Filipino general during the Philippine–American War.^[240] He also claimed that his ancestor was a 16th-century pirate, Lim-A-Hong (Chinese: 林阿鳳), who used to raid the coasts of the South China Sea.^[241]^[242]

Legacy

Human rights abuses

As many student activists like Edgar Jopson and Rigoberto Tiglao, farmers like Bernabe Buscayno, journalists like Satur Ocampo, legal political opposition (Ninoy Aquino^[245] and fellow candidate in 1978 election Alex Boncayao^[161]), and priest and nuns joined or developed relationships with the CPP/NDF/NPA,^[246] many farmers,^[247] student protesters,^[248] leftists,^[32] political opponents,^[339] journalists and members of the media^[249]^[250] accused of being members or sympathizing with the CPP, NPA or MNLF^[251] or of plotting against the government were frequent targets of human rights violations. Victims would simply be rounded up with no arrest warrant nor reading of prisoners' rights and kept indefinitely locked up with no charges filed against them.^[343] In a keynote speech at the University of the East, journalist Raissa Robles described how anyone could just be arrested (or abducted) with ease through pre-signed Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSO),^[252] which allowed the military or police to detain victims on trumped up charges or unclear allegations according to Rappler research.^[253] Anybody could be picked up at anytime for any reason by the military or the police, according to Raissa's husband, journalist Alan Robles.^[33]^[254]

A 1976 Amnesty International report had listed 88 government torturers, including members of the Philippine Constabulary and the Philippine Army, which was respectively under the direct control of Major General Fidel V. Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile.^[255]^[256] According to torture victim Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human rights abuses President Marcos has been accused of were undertaken by Philippine Constabulary units, especially through its national network of "Constabulary Security Units," whose heads reported directly to Fidel V. Ramos. The most dreaded of these was the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU) which featured the dreaded torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo,^[15]^[343] credited with capturing most of the Communist Party leaders including Jose Ma. Sison and the communist's Manila-Rizal Regional Committee he headed,^[257] the Metrocom Intelligence and Security Group (MISG)^[253] under the command of Col. Rolando Abadilla,^[15] and the Intelligence Service, Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP).^[343]

There are various statistics for human rights abuses committed during the Marcos regime.

Historian Alfred McCoy gives a figure of 3,257 recorded extrajudicial killings by the military from 1975 to 1985, 35,000 tortured and 70,000 incarcerated.^[15]^[260] The newspaper Bulatlat (lit. "to open carelessly") places the number of victims of arbitrary arrest and detention at 120,000, the extrajudicial execution of activists under martial law at 1,500 and Karapatan (a local human rights group)'s records show 759 involuntarily disappeared with their bodies never found.^[261]

In addition to these, up to 10,000 Moro Muslims were killed in massacres by the Philippine Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga pro-government paramilitary group.^[262]

Abductions

Victims were often taken to military "Safehouses",^[263] a euphemism for hidden places of torture,^[264] often blindfolded.^[343]^[265] In a document titled "Open Letter to the Filipino People," martial law martyr Edgar "Edjop" Jopson described safehouses as such: "Safehouses usually have their windows always shut tight. They are usually covered with high walls. One would usually detect [safehouses] through the traffic of motorcycles and cars, going in and out of the house at irregular hours. Burly men, armed with pistols tucked in their waists or in clutch bags, usually drive these vehicles."^[266]

Torture

Various forms of torture were used by the military, and these forms of torture were usually combined with each other.^[267]

Psychological and emotional torture

Physical torture

Physical torture was also often inflicted upon victims. Aside from deadly weapons, implements of torture included water, pliers, thumb tacks, ballpoint pens, and flat irons. Physical torture also took the forms of:

Sexual torture

Killings

"Salvagings"

Summary executions were prevalent during the Martial Law era with bodies being recovered in various places and often bearing signs of torture and mutilation.^[266]^[276] Such cases were referred to as Salvaging with the term widely believed to have originated from the Spanish word salvaje, meaning savage.^[277] Mutilated remains were often dumped on roadsides in public display in order to spread a sense of fear and to intimidate opponents from encouraging actions against the government — turning the Philippines into a theater state of terror.^[15]

Anyone could be "salvaged" - Communist rebels, suspects, innocent civilians and priests included. TFDP documented 1,473 "salvage" cases from 1980 to 1984 alone:^[272]^[278]

Victims included Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila student Liliosa Hilao,^[279] Archimedes Trajano and Juan Escandor.^[272] Also included in the list of summary execution victims was the 16-year-old Luis Manuel "Boyet" Mijares who was tortured brutally with his body found with burn marks, all his nails pulled and removed, 33 ice pick wounds around his body, skull bashed in, eyeballs gouged out, and genitals mutilated before being dropped from a helicopter.^[280]^[281]^[272]

Enforced disappearances

Enforced disappearances, also known "desaparecidos" or "the disappeared"—people who suddenly went missing, sometimes without a trace and with bodies never recovered.^[282]

Victims include Primitivo "Tibo" Mijares,^[280] Emmanuel Alvarez, Albert Enriquez, Ma. Leticia Ladlad, Hermon Lagman,^[280] Mariano Lopez, Rodelo Manaog, Manuel Ontong, Florencio Pesquesa, Arnulfo Resus, Rosaleo Romano, Carlos Tayag, Emmanuel Yap,^[283] Jan Quimpo,^[280] Rizalina Ilagan, Christina Catalla, Jessica Sales and Ramon Jasul.^[284]

Notable murders

While the numbers of political detainees went down, the number of people killed rose and spiked in 1981, the year Martial Law was officially lifted by Marcos according to Task Force Detainees of the Philippines. According to Senator Jose Diokno, "As torture (cases) declined, a more terrible tactic emerged; unofficial executions"—suspected dissidents were simply arrested and vanished.^[272]

Civilian massacres

It is hard to judge the full extent of massacres and atrocities which happened during the Marcos regime due to a heavily censored press at the time.^[286]

Muslim massacres

The Marcos regime had started to kill hundreds of Moros even before the imposition of Martial Law in 1972.^[289] Thousands of Moro Muslims were killed during the Marcos regime, prompting them to form insurgent groups and separatist movements such as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which became more radical with time due to atrocities against Muslims.^[290] According to the study The Liberation Movements in Mindanao: Root Causes and Prospects for Peace, a doctoral dissertation by Marjanie Salic Macasalong, the number of Moro victims killed by the Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga (a notorious government-sanctioned^[291] terrorist cult known for cannibalism and land grabbing that served as members of the CHDF)^[287] reached as high as 10,000 lives.^[262]

Family denial

On the stories of human rights abuses during the Marcos administration, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. describes them as "self-serving statements by politicians, self-aggrandizement narratives, pompous declarations, and political posturing and propaganda."^[295]^[296]

Ill-gotten wealth

The Philippine Supreme Court considers all Marcos assets beyond their legally declared earnings/salary to be ill-gotten wealth^[297] and such wealth to have been forfeited in favor of the government or human rights victims.^[298]

Among the sources of the Marcos wealth are alleged to be diverted foreign economic aid, US Government military aid (including huge discretionary funds at Marcos disposal as a "reward" for sending some Filipino troops to Vietnam) and kickbacks from public works contracts over a 2-decades-long rule.^[299]

In 1990 Imelda Marcos, his widow, was acquitted of charges that she raided the Philippine's treasury and invested the money in the United States by a U.S. jury.^[300] In 1993, she was convicted of graft in Manila for entering into three unfavorable lease contracts between a Government-run transportation agency and another government-run hospital.^[301] In 1998, the Philippine Supreme Court overturned the previous conviction of Imelda Marcos and acquitted her of corruption charges.^[302] In 2008, Philippine trial court judge Silvino Pampilo acquitted Imelda Marcos, then widow of Ferdinand Marcos, of 32 counts of illegal money transfer^[303] from the 1993 graft conviction.^[304] In 2010, she was ordered to repay the Philippine government almost $280,000 for funds taken by Ferdinand Marcos in 1983.^[305] In 2012, a US Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit upheld a contempt judgement against Imelda and her son Bongbong Marcos for violating an injunction barring them from dissipating their assets, and awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims.^[306] As of October 2015, she still faces 10 criminal charges of graft, along with 25 civil cases,^[307]^[308] down from 900 cases in the 1990s, as most of the cases were dismissed for lack of evidence.^[309] According to the [Presidential Commission on Good Government|PCGG] and The Guardian, Ferdinand Marcos had an accumulated stolen wealth of US $5–10 billion during his presidency from 1965 to 1986, while earning an annual salary equivalent to US $13,500.00.^[310]

In 2014, Vilma Bautista, the former secretary of Imelda Marcos was sentenced to prison for conspiring to sell a Monet, Sisley and other masterpiece artworks belonging to the Republic of the Philippines for tens of millions of dollars.^[311]^[312]

On May 9, 2016, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists released the searchable database from Panama Papers.^[313] His two daughters, Imee Marcos Manotoc and Irene Marcos Araneta,^[314]^[315] have been named, along with his grandsons Fernando Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Manotoc, Ferdinand Richard Manotoc, his son-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III,^[316] including his estranged son-in-law Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc.^[317]

On September 3, 2017, President Rodrigo Duterte said the family of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos is "ready to return" their stolen wealth to the government, possibly through a settlement.^[318] In January 2018, a draft House Bill proposing a compromise settlement and immunity for the Marcoses submitted by the late Ferdinand Marcos's legal counsel Oliver Lozano was revealed on Social Media^[319] to have been received by the Duterte government in July 2017.^[320]

Recognition

National

Foreign

Marcos and his wife, Imelda, were jointly credited in 1989 by Guinness World Records with the largest-ever theft from a government: an estimated 5 to 10 billion dollars.^[329]^[330]^[331]^[332]^[333]^[334]

Works

Infrastructure and monuments

Marcos's government built widely publicized infrastructure projects and monuments using foreign currency loans^[335] and at great taxpayer cost.^[540]^[541] This focus on infrastructure, which critics saw as a propaganda technique, eventually earned the colloquial label "edifice complex".^[336]^[337]^[85]

These including hospitals^[338] like the Philippine Heart Center, Lung Center, and Kidney Center, transportation infrastructure like San Juanico Bridge (formerly Marcos Bridge), Pan-Philippine Highway, North Luzon Expressway, South Luzon Expressway,^[339] and Manila Light Rail Transit (LRT), and 17 hydroelectric^[340]^[341] and geothermal power plants^[342]^[343] to lessen the country's dependency on oil.^[344] By 1983, the Philippines became the second largest producer of geothermal power in the world with the commissioning of the Tongonan 1 and Palinpinon 1 geothermal plants.^[342]^[345] According to UP Economics Professor Dr. Sicat, "a study of infrastructure construction by various presidents shows that Marcos was the president who made the largest infrastructure investment. This is not because he was the longest-serving leader of the country alone. On a per-year basis, he led all the presidents. Only Fidel Ramos had bested him in road building for a period of one year".^[346] On the education front, 47^[347] state colleges and universities were built during the Marcos administration, which represents over 40% of all the existing 112 state colleges and universities^[348]^[349] in the country. To help transform the country's agricultural-based economy to a Newly industrialized country,^[350] he spearheaded the development of 11 heavy industrialization projects^[351] including steel, petrochemical,^[352] cement, pulp and paper mill, and copper smelter.^[353] Cultural and heritage sites like the Cultural Center of the Philippines, Nayong Pilipino, Philippine International Convention Center and the disastrous and ill-fated Manila Film Center were built as well.

Laws

Likewise, the country crafted a large number of decrees, laws, and edicts during Marcos's term.^[354] From 1972 to 1986, the Marcos Administration codified laws through 2,036 Presidential Decrees,^[355] an average of 145 per year during the 14-year period. To put this into context, only 14, 12, and 11 laws were passed in 2015, 2014 and 2013, respectively.^[356] A large amount of the laws passed during the term of Marcos remain in force today and are embedded in the country's legal system.^[354]

Marcos, together with agriculture minister and Harvard-educated Arturo Tanco^[357] and later on Salvador Escudero Jr., was instrumental in the Green Revolution in the Philippines and initiated an agricultural program called Masagana 99, improving agricultural productivity and enabling the country to achieve rice sufficiency in the late 1970s.^[358]^[359]

Authored works

Historical contributions

Marcos left a mixed legacy for future generations. On one hand, many laws written by Marcos are still in force and in effect. Out of thousands of proclamations, decrees, and executive orders, only a few were repealed, revoked, modified or amended.^[361] On the other hand, his twenty years in power represent the bloodiest in the history of Philippines, with more extra judicial killings of civic people than those that occurred during parallel Latin American dictatorships like Augusto Pinochet's. More importantly, many people who rose to power under Marcos continued to remain in power or even ascended higher after his exile, thus leaving a further imprint on present-day Filipino affairs. One of these was Fidel Ramos, a general promoted by Marcos who supervised many terror killings and tortures, who later switched sides and subsequently fought elections and became president himself.^[362]

Massive foreign loans also enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than all of his predecessors combined,^[6] but at great cost. Today, according to Ibon Foundation, Filipino citizens are still bearing the heavy burden of servicing public debts incurred during Marcos's administration, with ongoing interest payments on the loan schedule by the Philippine government estimated to last until 2025–59 years after Marcos assumed office and 39 years after he was kicked out.^[364]

Corazon Aquino had an opportunity to default and not pay foreign debt incurred during the Marcos administration. However, due to Finance Secretary Jaime Ongpin's warning^[365] on the consequences of a debt default, which includes isolating the country from the international financial community and hampering the economic recovery, Corazon Aquino honored all the debts incurred during the Marcos Administration,^[366] contrary to expectations of left-learning organizations like Ibon foundation which advocated for non-payment of debt.^[367] Jaime Ongpin, who is a brother of Marcos trade minister Roberto Ongpin, was later dismissed by Cory Aquino and later died in an apparent suicide after "he had been depressed about infighting in Aquino's cabinet and disappointed that the 'People Power' uprising which had toppled dictator Ferdinand Marcos had not brought significant change".^[368]

In the 2004 Global Transparency Report, Marcos appeared in the list of the World's Most Corrupt Leaders, listed in second place behind Suharto, the former President of Indonesia.^[8]^[369]

According to Jovito Salonga, monopolies in several vital industries were created and placed under the control of Marcos cronies, such as the coconut industries (under Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. and Juan Ponce Enrile), the tobacco industry (under Lucio Tan), the banana industry (under Antonio Floirendo), the sugar industry (under Roberto Benedicto), and manufacturing (under Herminio Disini and Ricardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation's largest corporations, such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDC), of which the present name is Philippine Long Distance Telephone (PLDT), Philippine Airlines (PAL), Meralco (an electric company), Fortune Tobacco, numerous newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting companies (such as ABS-CBN), several banks (most notably the Philippine Commercial and Industrial Bank; PCIBank of the Lopezes [now BDO after merging with Equitable Bank and after BDO acquired the merged Equitable PCI]), and real estate in New York, California and Hawaii.^[371] The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off foreign aid and international assistance.

During the ICIJ's (International Consortium of Investigative Journalists) expose of offshore leaks in April 2013, the name of his eldest daughter, Imee Marcos, appeared on the list of wealthy people involved in offshore financial secrecy. It was revealed that she is hiding parts of her father's ill-gotten wealth in tax havens in the British Virgin Islands.^[372]^[373]

Comparisons have also been made between Ferdinand Marcos and Lee Kuan Yew's authoritarian style of governance and Singapore's success,^[374] but in his autobiography, From Third World to First: The Singapore Story: 1965–2000, Lee relates:

According to Presidential Commission on Good Government, the Marcos family and their cronies looted so much wealth from the Philippines that, to this day, investigators have difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars were stolen.^[376] The agency claimed that Marcos stole around $5 to $10 billion from the Philippine treasury.^[377]^[378]^[379]^[380] Adjusted for inflation, this would be equivalent to about USD11.16 to USD22.3 billion or over 550 billion to 1.1 trillion Philippine pesos in 2017.^[381]

Reparations

In 1995, some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The claims were filed by victims or their surviving relatives consequent on torture, execution, and disappearances.^[382]^[383]

The Swiss government, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts,^[384] has returned $684 million of Marcos's stash.^[385]^[386]^[387]^[388]

Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws that had been enacted during Marcos's dictatorship. She restored the right of access to habeas corpus, repealed anti-labor laws and freed hundreds of political prisoners.^[389]

From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before U.S. courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, alleging that they bore responsibility for executions, torture, and disappearances. A jury in the Ninth Circuit Court awarded USD2 billion to the plaintiffs and to a class composed of human rights victims and their families.^[390] On June 12, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court (in a 7–2 ruling penned by Justice Anthony Kennedy in Republic of the Philippines v. Mariano Pimentel) held that: "The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action." The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover USD35 million, part of a USD2 billion judgment in U.S. courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines government is an indispensable party, protected by sovereign immunity. The Philippines government claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.^[391]^[392]^[393]

In July 2017, the Philippine Court of Appeals rejected the petition seeking to enforce the United States court decision that awarded the $2 billion in compensation to human rights victims during the term of former President Ferdinand Marcos.^[394]

See also

Notes

References

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5. ^{{harvnb|Mijares|1976}}
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135. ^{{Cite book |title=U.G. an underground tale : the journey of Edgar Jopson and the first quarter storm generation |last=Pimentel |first=Benjamin |date=2006 |publisher=Anvil Publishing, Inc |isbn=9712715906 |location=Pasig City |oclc=81146038}}
136. ^¹²{{Cite book |url=http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/817651/september-1972-recalling-the-last-days-and-hours-of-democracy |title=September 1972: Recalling the last days and hours of democracy |last=Generalao |first=Kate Pedroso, Minerva |language=en}}
137. ^¹²{{Cite book |title=Dictatorship & martial law : Philippine authoritarianism in 1972 |last=Brillantes |first=Alex B., Jr. |date=1987 |publisher=University of the Philippines Diliman School of Public Administration |isbn=9718567011 |location=Quezon City, Philippines}}
138. ^{{cite book|author=Mendoza Jr, Amado|chapter='People Power' in the Philippines, 1983–1986|editor1=Roberts, Adam |editor2=Ash, Timothy Garton|title=Civil resistance and power politics: the experience of non-violent action from Gandhi to the present|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2009|isbn=978-0-19-955201-6|page=181|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BxOQKrCe7UUC&pg=PA181}}
139. ^{{cite book|author=Brands, H.W.|title=Bound to empire: the United States and the Philippines|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1992|isbn=978-0-19-507104-7|page=298|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RcBQwcWsRHgC&pg=PA298}}
140. ^{{cite book|editor-last=Dolan|editor-first=Ronald E.|title=Philippines: A Country Study|url=http://countrystudies.us/philippines/|chapter=28. Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law|chapter-url=http://countrystudies.us/philippines/28.htm|publication-place=Washington|publisher=GPO for the Library of Congress|year=1991}}
141. ^¹{{cite news|title=Max Soliven recalls Ninoy Aquino: Unbroken|url=http://asianjournalusa.com/max-soliven-recalls-ninoy-aquino-unbroken-p5828-87.htm|accessdate=August 30, 2013|newspaper=Philippines Star|date=October 10, 2008}}
142. ^{{cite web|url=http://www.econ.upd.edu.ph/gerardo-p-sicat-the-economist-with-a-vision/|title=Gerardo P. Sicat: The Economist With a Vision - UP School of Economics|website=www.econ.upd.edu.ph}}
143. ^{{cite web|url=http://www.manilatimes.net/marcos-great-tragic-reformer/140937/|title=Marcos: The Great, Tragic Reformer - The Manila Times Online|website=www.manilatimes.net}}
144. ^{{cite news |url=http://www.manilatimes.net/marcos-great-tragic-reformer/140937/ |work=Manila Times |title=Marcos: The Great, Tragic Reformer |date=November 11, 2014}}
145. ^{{cite book|author=McCoy, Alfred W.|title=An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines|publisher=University of Wisconsin Press|year=2009|isbn=978-0-299-22984-9|page=17|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fawaNZu-yqUC&pg=PA17}}
146. ^{{cite book|author=Wurfel, David|title=Filipino Politics: Development and Decay|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=1988|page=130|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R-oK4ZetPIAC&pg=PA130|isbn=978-0-8014-9926-5 }}
147. ^{{cite journal|author=Moran, Jon|title=Patterns of Corruption and Development in East Asia|work=Third World Quarterly|volume=20|issue=3|date=June 1999|page=579|doi=10.1080/01436599913695}}
148. ^{{cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Philippines/Martial-law|title=Philippines - Martial law - history - geography|publisher=}}
149. ^For a detailed treatment of corruption under Marcos, see {{cite book|author1=Chaikin, David |author2=Sharman, Jason Campbell|chapter=The Marcos Kleptocracy|title=Corruption and money laundering: a symbiotic relationship|publisher=Macmillan|year=2009|isbn=978-0-230-61360-7|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=amZkAdGTkl4C&pg=PA153}}
150. ^{{cite book|last=Smith|first=Tony|title=America's Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5u–je3hFa1cC&pg=PA281|year=2012|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=1-4008-4202-6|page=281}}
151. ^{{cite book|last=Shain|first=Yossi|title=Marketing the American Creed Abroad: Diasporas in the U.S. and Their Homelands|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8pqj8GFCg7MC&pg=PA79|year=1999|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-64225-5|page=79}}
152. ^{{cite book|last=Schmitz|first=David F.|title=The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1965–1989|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1EV440YU6toC&pg=PA232|year=2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-139-45512-1|page=232}}
153. ^{{cite book|title=Mother Jones Magazine|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZOYDAAAAMBAJ&pg=PT15|date=June 1983|publisher=Mother Jones|page=35|issn=0362-8841}}
154. ^{{cite journal|author=Bello, Walden|title=Edging toward the Quagmire: The United States and the Philippine Crisis|work=World Policy Journal|volume=3|issue=1|date=Winter 1985–1986|page=31}}
155. ^{{cite book|author=Shalom, Stephen R.|title=Imperial alibis: rationalizing U.S. intervention after the cold war|publisher=South End Press|year=1993|isbn=978-0-89608-448-3|page=149|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f7PfJvj9c7sC&pg=PA149}}
156. ^{{Cite journal|last=Zhao|first=Hong|url=https://www.questia.com/read/1P3-2969147911/sino-philippines-relations-moving-beyond-south-china|title=Sino-Philippines Relations: Moving beyond South China Sea Dispute?|journal= Journal of East Asian Affairs|page=57|year=2012|accessdate=6 March 2015|subscription=yes|via=Questia|issn=1010-1608}}
157. ^{{cite web|url=http://www.gov.ph/1969/01/27/ferdinand-e-marcos-fourth-state-of-the-nation-address-january-27-1969/|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20161113024503/http://www.gov.ph/1969/01/27/ferdinand-e-marcos-fourth-state-of-the-nation-address-january-27-1969/|archivedate=2016-11-13|title=Ferdinand E. Marcos, Fourth State of the Nation Address|date=January 27, 1969|work=Official Gazette|publisher=Government of the Philippines}}
158. ^{{cite paper|url=http://pascn.pids.gov.ph/files/Discussions%20Papers/1999/pascndp9916.pdf|title=The Political Economy of Philippines-China Relations|author=Benito Lim|work=Discussion paper|publisher=Philippine APEC Study Center Network|date=September 1999}}
159. ^¹²³{{cite web|url=http://web.stanford.edu/group/mappingmilitants/cgi-bin/groups/view/149|title=Communist Party of the Philippines–New People's Army - Mapping Militant Organizations|first=Daniel|last=Cassman|website=web.stanford.edu}}
160. ^{{cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Alex-Boncayao-Brigade|title=Alex Boncayao Brigade - Filipino death squad|publisher=}}
161. ^¹{{cite web|url=http://www.philstar.com/opinion/354387/lakas-ng-bayan-candidates|title=Lakas ng Bayan candidates|first=ROSES & THORNS By Alejandro R.|last=Roces|publisher=}}
162. ^{{cite web|title=In many tongues, pope championed religious freedoms|url=http://www.sptimes.com/2005/04/03/Worldandnation/In_many_tongues__pope.shtml|work=St. Petersburg Times|accessdate=August 21, 2006}}
163. ^{{cite news | url = http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,953029,00.html | work=Time | title=Philippines: Together Again | date=July 13, 1981}}
164. ^{{cite book|title=The Philippines: a singular and a plural place |first=David Joel |last=Steinberg|publisher=Westview Press |year=2000 |isbn=978-0-8133-3755-5 |page=135}}
165. ^{{cite web|url=http://globalnation.inquirer.net/columns/columns/view/20090819-221072/Who-ordered-the-hit-on-Ninoy-Aquino|title=Who ordered the hit on Ninoy Aquino?|last=Rodis|first=Rodel|work=Philippine Daily Inquirer|date=2009-08-19|deadurl=yes|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20141002103332/http://globalnation.inquirer.net/columns/columns/view/20090819-221072/Who-ordered-the-hit-on-Ninoy-Aquino|archivedate=October 2, 2014|df=mdy-all}}
166. ^{{cite web|url=http://archives.newsbreak-knowledge.ph/2007/11/23/transcript-of-abs-cbn-interview-with-pablo-martinez-co-accused-in-the-aquino-murder-case/|title=Transcript of ABS-CBN Interview with Pablo Martinez, co-accused in the Aquino murder case|publisher=|accessdate=19 April 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150628232250/http://archives.newsbreak-knowledge.ph/2007/11/23/transcript-of-abs-cbn-interview-with-pablo-martinez-co-accused-in-the-aquino-murder-case/|archive-date=June 28, 2015|dead-url=yes|df=mdy-all}}
167. ^{{cite book|author=Blitz, Amy|title=The contested state: American foreign policy and regime change in the Philippines|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|year=2000|isbn=978-0-8476-9934-6|pages=167–168|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=n2rdOhMdCDEC&pg=PA167}}
168. ^¹{{cite news|title=Marcos Underwent Kidney Transplants, Doctors Say|url=http://articles.latimes.com/1985-11-11/news/mn-3824_1_kidney-transplants|newspaper=Los Angeles Times|date=November 11, 1985}}
169. ^{{cite book|author=Wurfel, David|title=Filipino Politics: Development and Decay|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=1988|page=289|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R-oK4ZetPIAC&pg=PA289|isbn=978-0-8014-9926-5 }}
170. ^{{cite news|last=Pace|first=Eric|title=Autocrat With a Regal Manner, Marcos Ruled for 2 Decades|url=https://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0715FE3A5E0C7A8EDDA00894D1484D81|archive-url=https://archive.is/20120714124930/http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0715FE3A5E0C7A8EDDA00894D1484D81|dead-url=yes|archive-date=July 14, 2012|accessdate=January 24, 2011|newspaper=The New York Times|date=September 29, 1989}}
171. ^The Ministry of Industry and Ministry of Trade were merged by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1981 as the Ministry of Trade and Industry.
172. ^The Ministry of Public Works, Transportation and Communications and Ministry of Public Highways were merged by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1981 as the Ministry of Public Works and Highways.
173. ^¹²{{cite web|url=http://malacanang.gov.ph/presidents/fourth-republic/ferdinand-marcos/#efs-tabpane-1-3|title=malacanang.gov.ph|publisher=|deadurl=yes|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120826033152/http://malacanang.gov.ph/presidents/fourth-republic/ferdinand-marcos/#efs-tabpane-1-3|archivedate=August 26, 2012|df=mdy-all}}
174. ^¹{{cite web|title=Philippines|url=http://data.worldbank.org/country/philippines|website=The World Bank|accessdate=28 November 2016}}
175. ^{{cite web|title=Martial law: costly lessons in economic development|url=http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/money/content/172779/martial-law-costly-lessons-in-economic-development/story/|access-date=2018-12-14|date=2009-09-21|website=gmanetwork.com}}
176. ^{{Citation | last = Guido | first =Edson Joseph | author-link = | last2 = de los Reyes | first2 = Che | author2-link = | title = The best of times? Data debunk Marcos’s economic ‘golden years’ | newspaper =ABSCBN News and Public Affairs | pages = | year = 2017 | date = | url = https://news.abs-cbn.com/business/09/21/17/the-best-of-times-data-debunk-marcoss-economic-golden-years | access-date = }}
177. ^{{cite news | last =Punongbayan | first =JC | title =Marcos plundered to 'protect' the economy? Makes no economic sense | newspaper =Rappler | location = Ortigas Center, Pasig | pages = | language = | publisher = | date =2017-09-11 | url = https://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/181743-ferdinand-marcos-plunder-philippine-economy-no-economic-sense | access-date = }}
178. ^See {{cite book|author=Hutchcroft, Paul David|title=Booty capitalism: the politics of banking in the Philippines|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=1998|isbn=978-0-8014-3428-0|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IqlmT6BsFoQC}}
179. ^{{cite book |series=Developing Country Debt and Economic Performance, Volume 3: Country Studies – Indonesia, Korea, Philippines, Turkey |title=Introduction to "The Marcos Legacy: Economic Policy and Foreign Debt in the Philippines" |publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research |date=1989| url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c9047.pdf|}}
180. ^¹{{cite book|author=Boyce, James K.|title=The political economy of growth and impoverishment in the Marcos era|publisher=Ateneo de Manila University Press|year=1993|isbn=978-971-550-096-8|page=10|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IAL5Dx5SWy4C&pg=PA10}}
181. ^¹{{cite web|url=http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?locations=PH|title=GDP (current US$) - Data|website=data.worldbank.org}}
182. ^{{cite web|url=http://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft4580066d&brand=ucpress=all|title=Sugar and the Origins of Modern Philippine Society|last=Larkin|first=John A.|date=1993|publisher=University of California Press}}
183. ^{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NCdLAAAAIAAJ&q=history+us+philippine+trade&dq=history+us+philippine+trade&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiXh_H7tZfLAhXGHx4KHc_pAU84FBDoAQhMMAc=all|title=History of the Philippine Sugar Industry|last=Quirino|first=Carlos|date=1974|publisher=Kalayaan}}
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186. ^Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr., Structural Adjustment and Poverty Alleviation in the Philippines {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110719045259/http://www3.pids.gov.ph/ris/pdf/pidsdps9604.PDF |date=July 19, 2011 }}, Philippine Institute for Development Studies, April 1996.
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188. ^{{cite web|url=http://www.indexmundi.com/philippines/unemployment_rate.html|title=Philippines Unemployment Rate|work=IndexMundi}}
189. ^{{cite web|url=http://www.chanrobles.com/presidentialdecrees/presidentialdecreeno1941.html#.VaN-RPmqqko|title=PHILIPPINE LAWS, STATUTES AND CODES – CHAN ROBLES VIRTUAL LAW LIBRARY|last=Diaz|first=Ronald Echalas|work=chanrobles.com}}
190. ^{{cite web|url=http://acraa.com/images/pdf/DCRA.pdf|title=Code of Conduct Fundamentals for Domestic Credit Rating Agencies|date=April 2011|publisher=Association of Credit Rating Agencies in Asia}}
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192. ^{{cite journal|last=Frank Senauth|title='The Making of the Philippines'|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=r-_X3Tn3NTQC&pg=PA103&lpg=PA103&dq=From+1972+to+1980,+agricultural+production+fell+by+30%25+philippines&source=bl&ots=Uf-BOiorxO&sig=CZG0WV5Do07dVEsDsHaBSysOS_A&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=From%201972%20to%201980%2C%20agricultural%20production%20fell%20by%2030%25%20philippines&f=false|page=103}}
193. ^{{cite book|author1=Morada, Noel M. |author2=Collier, Christopher|chapter=The Philippines: State Versus Society?|editor=Alagappa, Muthiah|title=Asian security practice: material and ideational influences|publisher=Stanford University Press|year=1998|isbn=978-0-8047-3348-9|page=554|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1t2DRZeDVx8C&pg=PA554}}
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195. ^{{cite web| url=http://www.rappler.com/views/imho/124682-marcos-economy-golden-age-philippines|publisher = Rappler| title=Marcos Economy Golden Age of PH? Look at the Data}}
196. ^¹²{{cite book |title=Introduction to "The Marcos Legacy: Economic Policy and Foreign Debt in the Philippines" |publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research |date=1989| url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c9047.pdf}}
197. ^{{cite web| url=http://www.philstar.com/letters-editor/660957/dismal-record-marcos-regime|title=The dismal record of the Marcos regime|publisher=Philippine Star}}
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199. ^{{cite web|url=http://fdc.ph/programs/debt-and-public-finance/news-on-debt-and-public-finance/65-the-marcos-legacy-of-fraudulent-and-illegitimate-debts|title=The Marcos legacy of fraudulent and illegitimate debts|publisher=Freedom from debt coalition|access-date=January 19, 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180921230506/https://fdc.ph/programs/debt-and-public-finance/news-on-debt-and-public-finance/65-the-marcos-legacy-of-fraudulent-and-illegitimate-debts|archive-date=September 21, 2018|dead-url=yes|df=mdy-all}}
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214. ^{{cite web|url=http://articles.latimes.com/1986-01-23/news/mn-28079_1_war-record|title=Marcos Blasts U.S. Reports He Was a Phony War Hero : American Records Fail to Back Him|first=From Times Wire|last=Services|date=January 23, 1986|publisher=|via=LA Times}}
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Early life

Education

Eidetic memory

The Murder of Julio Nalundasan

Military service during World War II

House of Representatives (1949-1959)

Philippine Senate (1959-1965)

Senate Presidency

Presidency

First term (1966–1969)

Presidential campaign

Expansion of the Philippine Military

Vietnam War

Loans for Infrastructure Development

1969 Presidential Campaign

Second term (1969–1972)

Inflation and social unrest

"Moderate" and "radical" opposition

The "moderate" opposition

The "radical" opposition

First Quarter Storm

Constitutional Convention of 1971

Early growth of the CPP New People's Army

Rumored coup d'état and assassination plot

Plaza Miranda bombing

1971 Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus

1972 Manila bombings

Martial Law (1972–1981)

Proclamation 1081

Bagong Lipunan (New Society)

1973 Martial Law Referendum

Rolex 12 and the military

Monopolies

US Foreign policy and Martial Law under Marcos

Withdrawal of Taiwan relations in favor of the People's Republic of China

First parliamentary elections after martial law declaration

Prime Minister

Proclamation No. 2045

Third term (1981–1986)